Our research focuses on the subnational state capacity analysis, specifically on the Brazilian state of Piauí as a case study. The state's capacity is related to the State's ability to formulate and implement effective public policies. Here we examined administrative, economic, and coercive dimensions, understanding how these factors impact socioeconomic development. Our choice for Piauí as a case study results from a notable contradiction between its high state capacity and socioeconomic results. This research seeks to evaluate how the theory of state capacity applies to Piauí's context, identifying the determining factors of state capacity's development and the impact on results - our goal is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex relationship between state capacity and development at the subnational level.

This dissertation investigated the influence of political cues on individual attitudes, exploring which types of questions are more susceptible to persuasion or polarization through cues provided by party elites. The hypotheses of this dissertation suggests that political questions with a low level of political sorting (H1), where members of a group face cognitive dissonance regarding the presented cue (H2), are more influenced by political elites. The research utilized a comprehensive database containing diverse questions on political issues that were subjected to different treatments of political cues, randomly distributed among participants from a representative sample of the American electorate. The results confirmed the more demanding hypothesis (H2), to the detriment of the simpler one (H1), in treatments where the cue reflected an intuitive position of the elite, but not in treatments with counterintuitive cues. The analysis highlighted the complexity of the influence of political heuristics and emphasized the importance of the content of the questions in determining the effect of the influence of party elites. The dissertation provides an empirical basis for the debate on the variation in the effect of political cues and underscores the need to consider contextual factors for possible generalizations.

The objective of this work is to construct and analyze the Government Center (GC) of President Jair Bolsonaro, his presidential style, classified by us as spectacular, in managing this structure and the government as a whole, and the coordination capacity of priority policies presented by his GC. In the literature review, we provide definitions and nomenclatures of what the GC would be, understood in this work as a set of units, formal or informal, that support the Head of the Executive (Cavalcante, 2018). We also present academic productions on the spectacular style and on GC and public policies. As a methodology, we apply the model presented by Cavalcante and Batista (2018) on the classification of the Government Center as structural or functional, de jure or de facto, and create two databases: one with all interactions recorded in the president's official agenda and another indicating, in the legislation that structures the Presidency of the Republic, the presence or absence of descriptors that can classify an organ in the Government Center. Additionally, we conducted interviews with three representatives who held high positions in the government to understand, in detail, the daily life of the GC and how the interviewees perceived Bolsonaro's leadership. We used the Iramuteq and R software for the analysis of the results. We dedicate a chapter to explain Bolsonaro's spectacular style based on Jones' definition (2018) and use data from 181 live broadcasts and a chronology of the most relevant events based on documentary research that allowed us to identify the spectacularization of certain themes and events. To analyze the coordination capabilities of the GC in public policies, we chose those mentioned by the interviewees and conducted a content analysis based on the interviews and bibliographic research: Covid-19 vaccination, Emergency Aid/Brazil Aid, and Digital Government. The results pointed to a present GC, but with very low leadership exercised by the President due to the high decentralization he promoted. Furthermore, the entry of the Centrão, in the second half of the government, allowed Bolsonaro to further distance himself from his own responsibilities to remain connected to his supporters and radicalize his discourse. In conclusion, although the coordinative capacity of the GC was impaired by the excessive decentralization of the president, less politicized policies achieved greater success by the GC member agencies.

A growing trend of mobilizations and attacks against gender equality, sexual rights, and their activism has generated tensions around an anti-gender agenda advocated by conservative, religious, right-wing populist, and nationalist actors. Ultimately, how do the political opinions of men and women materialize during a period of alignment with a conservative agenda in the country? Is there a gender difference in the dimensions of conservatism? In what direction does this difference point? How do gender disparities persist when the statistical model encompasses other important issues for the dimensions of conservatism? The objective of this dissertation is to investigate (i) whether there is disparity in the conservative attitudes of men and women and (ii) the proportion of gender disparities in these attitudes that can be explained by religiosity, occupational status, marital status, ideology, and party affiliation when controlled for age, income, education, and race. At this juncture, the aim is to analyze the strength that gender - a social identity - holds in comparison to other attributes that also act as opinion differentiators. To achieve the results, the research utilized proportion difference tests and logistic models for multivariate analyses. The data is derived from the "A cara da democracia" project. Questions that allow the operationalization of Brazilian multidimensional conservatism were selected, aggregating thirteen survey questions into three dimensions: traditional social and moral issues, views on law and order, and social policies and economic positions. The main finding is that women are more likely to express progressive attitudes compared to men.

This dissertation focuses on mapping the conservative actors in the dispute over the right to abortion, from a diachronic perspective of the conservative reaction. The study spotlights specifically the impact of these actors on the judiciary, in cases mobilized by the feminist field. To this end, we identified the individual and collective actors who took part in two public hearings convened by the Federal Supreme Court (STF). The first was held in 2008, as part of the motion for breach of fundamental precept (ADPF) 54, through which the Court, in 2012, authorized the interruption of pregnancy in cases of anencephalic fetuses. The second took place in 2018, to hear ADPF 442, which calls for the decriminalization of abortion up to the 12th week of pregnancy. ADPF 54 was the first public hearing called by the STF and open to civil society. It brought together 29 actors. Of these, nine were conservatives. ADPF 442 brought together 63 speakers, 16 of them opposed to abortion. The 10 years between the two showed the expansion of conservative action, with the registration of more religious organizations acting on this front, in addition to the Catholic Church, including the change in the evangelical position from one to the other. In other conclusions, there is also a record of legal organizations with a strong presence in the second hearing and non-existent in the first. The dissertation also shows joint efforts between these different actors. The work indicates the strategic and coordinated action of the Catholic Church, but with the growth of the evangelical churches, the valorization of the law for the conservative reaction, both as a strategy and place of incidence and as a form of organization, the connection with international actors from countries that have experienced or are experiencing similar reactive processes and the rise of national actors after participating in these public hearings to the federal government also as a result of this anti-choice militancy.

Presidential legislative activity has emerged as one of the most prominent and representative phenomena in Latin American politics. Democracies in the region feature institutional prerogatives that grant strong legislative powers to presidents while simultaneously enhancing control exercised by parliamentarians. These scenarios are characterized by structural and ideological determinants that permeate the relations between branches of government and can directly influence the success of proposals. The research sought to analyze, in a comparative perspective, the following question: how do certain institutional mechanisms impact the rate of presidential legislative success in Latin America? The Latin American scenario was chosen for being a representative case of presidents with significant legislative activity in contrast to bicameral systems that possess the necessary prerogatives to control such activities. The sample comprises Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Paraguay. The methodology consists of a quantitative analysis with panel data and the use of the mixed-effects econometric model. The results demonstrate that the fragmentation of the party system, ideological distance, and the choice of the Senate as the initiating chamber for projects are statistically relevant mechanisms for explanation. On the other hand, coalition party fragmentation did not have a significant effect, and it was identified that there is no increase in the production of legislative decrees in scenarios with low rates of legislative success. These findings lead to the understanding that structural and ideological contexts are directly associated with variations in presidential legislative success but need to be analyzed based on the perspectives of coalition governments in Latin America.

The aim of this study, based on the chronological timeline of the installation of Women's Police Stations (DEAMs), is to delimit the process of diffusion of this specific public security policy throughout Brazil, determining which factors may explain the implementation of these units by governors. The purpose of this study is also to explain why some governors adopted the units more quickly than others. Using data collected by the civil police in all Brazilian states, a model was built based on the analysis of historical events. The events under analysis were the actual installations or their individualized normative provision, whichever came first; this is because it shows the government's clear awareness of this public policy. Data collected and approved by the local civil police delimited this diffusion, allowing a model to be built based on the analysis of historical diffusion events. Predictive variables were collected in order to highlight the influence of economic, criminal, population, social, political- ideological, geographical and institutional contexts on this diffusion process. Based on the assumption of bounded rationality, the research focused on the premise that the governor implements these units with an eye on political gains. All the evidence was analyzed using the literature on the diffusion of public policies, the limited rationality of governors, as well as the methodology of survival time, guaranteeing the construct internal and external validity and reliability. Survival risks were estimated using the Kaplan-Meier estimator, producing, with a little more accuracy, a model in which a few variables were adjusted. The most relevant conclusions point to the prevalence of political explanatory variables to the detriment, for example, of the expected relationship between the adoption of DEAMs and local femicide rates.

This project refers to agenda setting situated in the field of public policies agenda setting. The object of study is the agenda setting of the National Climate Change Policy. The general objective of the research is to apply the Multiple Streams Model, proposed by Kingdon (2011), in an investigation of causal mechanisms of the agenda setting of the instruments for the implementation of the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC). The investigation assumes that the casual mechanisms were triggered by the convergence of the streams with an operating policy entrepreneur. The empirical research is applied with the method of process tracing, with qualitative research and content analysis on data collected through documentary research and interviews with key informants. The results indicate that a government agenda was heterogeneous across the period and between the areas of action plan, monitoring, and financing of the National Climate Change Policy. Three different periods were identified in the National Climate Change Policy, determined by central events: the first period, from 2009 to 2103, consists of the emergence of the policy, with the advent of the Law and formulation of sectoral plans; the second period, from 2014 to 2018, was marked by the formulation of the National Determined Contribution (NDC) of the Paris Agreement of the United Nations Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and the third period, from 2019- 2020 was marked by the rise of a conservative government that denies climate change and the COVID 19 pandemic. Across periods, international influence was decisive in the formation of streams. The causal mechanisms for agenda setting were the interest of actors in obtaining international resources, whether through international cooperation projects or market mechanisms and to ensure visibility and reputational projection in multilateral environmental forums. Institutions, mainly international, had a stabilizing influence on the agenda setting. This influence balanced the unpredictability and uncertainty of the national context, allowing windows of opportunity for agenda setting and decision-making processes.

In this work, I try to understand how the women elected by right-wing parties of the national legislature build what should be represented, that is, the question that guides this work is: how the parliamentarians of right-wing parties of the 56th Legislature mobilize a meaning for the construction what would be the female interest within your legislatures? For this, I analyze the legislative proposals presented by deputies of the 56th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies from right-wing parties that allude to women's needs and interests. The results indicate that there is a difference between direct women, making it possible to classify them between conservative and neoconservative, in addition to pointing out violence as an important issue for women. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, it was possible to determine which senses are used to determine female interest within the perspective of right-wing women.

This dissertation investigates the effects of party nationalization on the legislative behavior of parties
legislative behavior of parties in presidential systems in Latin America. The literature believes that
the level of nationalization has an important effect on some policy factors, such as legislative behavior
legislative behavior, public policy choice, and the relationship between the government and the presidential
and the presidential coalition. Some papers draw attention to the importance of understanding the vertical
the vertical dimension of nationalization, especially in multi-level systems where the regional sphere of
regional politics plays an important role in the dynamics of presidential systems in the region and
region and allows for a wide range of party strategies in electoral competition. O
objective of this study is to analyze whether nationalized strategies, with a high level of vertical integration
vertical integration among party branches, result in high levels of discipline of party behavior.
behavior. The analysis of the Brazilian case allows us to understand this causal relationship in a decentralized
decentralized political system, where electoral institutions provoke incongruent incentives in party strategies.
party strategies.

This dissertation assesses which conditions enable the transition of pre-electoral coalitions into coalition governments in Latin American presidential regimes through a multimethod research design. Even though most literature praises the fact that pre-electoral coalitions exert a non-negligible impact on government formation in presidentialism, I present a nuance to this relationship by arguing that pre-electoral coalitions are not automatically transformed into coalition cabinets in presidentialism. This is so because of the nature of presidential institutions, which grants presidents the opportunity to revise the pre-electoral agreement once they hold office at the same time that diminishes the extent to which pre-electoral coalition members can punish them. Against this backdrop, the first empirical paper puts forward and tests the claim that pre-electoral pacts should be more binding to the extent that legislative polarisation is more pervasive in the party system. The reason is that an increased ideological dividedness at the party system level reduces presidents’ margins to build coalition cabinets not based on the pre-electoral pact, as complexity bargaining hampers the presidential ability to assemble parties with conflicting policy preferences in the same cabinet. In addition, based on a configurational rationale, the second empirical paper investigates what makes pre-electoral coalitions serve as the foundations of post-electoral coalition cabinets, given that pre-electoral commitments can be enlarged, maintained or shrunk until the government’s inauguration day. The results highlight the importance of five conditions, albeit with more prominence for the pre-electoral coalition majority status, the low polarisation between pre-electoral coalition members and the high legislative polarisation. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation enlarge our knowledge of the relationship between pre-electoral coalitions and government formation in presidentialism by showing its entanglement with legislative polarisation.

The purpose of this work is to explain the size variation of the presidential center in coalition governments in Latin America. The presidential center is the bulk of administrative units directly subordinate to the president and that is officially part of the Presidency of the Republic, performing functions that reinforce presidential power. The main argument developed here is that the president faces a trade-off regarding to presidential center, with incentives to expand it to deal with agency risk arising from divergent preferences among actors within the Executive Branch. The unfolded hypotheses of this argument were tested with data of Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Uruguay through linear regression models for panel data. The results show that ideological amplitude of coalition on government has a positive and statistically significant effect on the presidential center size, but no evidence was found to support the hypotheses of presidential ideological extremism and degree of cabinet partisanship.

The COVID-19 pandemic was a politicized and contentious event, which made explicit ideological divisions between the radical right and progressives that existed before the health crisis. In Brazil, former president Jair Bolsonaro, a radical right populist, made several speeches attacking the COVID-19 vaccines, which fueled an unusual activism against mandatory vaccines and childhood vaccination in the country. This dissertation is guided by the following research question: what is the connection between right-wing political ideologies and activism against mandatory COVID-19 vaccination in Brazil? The general aim of the research is to understand how right-wing ideologies have been linked to the movement to challenge mandatory COVID-19 vaccination in Brazil. Specifically, we analyzed the forms of discursive legitimation and the construction of collective action frames. The research has a qualitative design based on 42 semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians and activists and 5 participant observations, in 2 online courses and in 3 face-to-face protests. Through this effort, we sought to analyze the interpretive frames and collective action strategies of activists opposed to mandatory vaccination for COVID-19. As a result, we found in the discourses a strong ideological homogeneity to the right and an identity construction that strategically rejects "anti-vaccine", "anti-science" and "denialists" labels.

Individuals born with congenital variations of sex characteristics consistently experience human rights abuses and violations. Globally, there is a growing network of activism dedicated to safeguarding and advocating for the human rights of intersex communities. This research constitutes a case study on the trajectory of intersex activism in Brazil from 2006 to 2021, with the primary goal of scrutinizing its practices and ideologies. The study contributes significantly to the discourse on political action in Brazil, adding depth to the research agenda on LGBTI activism overall and specifically addressing intersex issues. Furthermore, it aligns with empirical studies within the realms of intersex and gender studies, as well as social movements and political action studies, employing pragmatist and discursive institutionalism approaches. The data collection methodology involved conducting interviews guided by semi-structured questionnaires and analyzing relevant documents. The sampling of respondents took into account the centrality and diversity of network actors. Two distinct research instruments were developed for the audience of activists and individuals facing restrictions on public statements. Between May 13th and October 7th, 2021, eighteen interviews were conducted. Socio-historical content analysis was applied to the interviews and documents, revealing pre-indicators and meaning nuclei. The findings of this research illuminate a spectrum of practices and ideas within intersex activism and trace their contingencies over time. The Portuguese-language Organization International Intersex is identified as the initial milestone in intersex political mobilization in Brazil, dating back to 2006. Until 2009, Waléria Torres' posts on the Organization's blog served as a platform for transmitting personal narratives, conveying non-standardized intersex definitions, discussing human rights, crises, depathologization, and emphasizing activism's practical horizons, including the dissemination of evidence-based data and collaboration with researchers. A new mobilization cycle in 2014 utilized Facebook as a central platform for interaction, allowing the sharing of technical information, life experiences, and the coordination of collective initiatives for increased public visibility. By 2017, successful mobilization efforts had brought together a growing network of intersex groups, individuals, and allies, encompassing researchers, doctors, lawyers, family members, and even conservative actors, while the content of their ideas also evolved, adopting biological and matricentric contours amid the turbulent contexts until 2019. In 2020, the disproportionate impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic discouraged the mobilization of intersex activists. In response, remaining actors mobilized emergency funds, supported online solidarity initiatives, maintained dialogue channels within the Judiciary, engaged in collective candidacies and advocacy in local and state legislatures, retained interaction with the Executive in limited socio-state spaces, and focused on LGBTQIAPN+ coalition-building.

With the aim of verifying whether the intersectoral mobility of members of the Specialist in Public Policy and Government Management career led these professionals to act as agents of change through public policies in the Brazilian federal government, this thesis presents a mapping of the individual trajectories between bodies and between positions in commission, the so-called managers in the historical period that includes six presidential terms (2000 to 2018), identifying similarities between them, which can be understood as patterns, grouped in clusters. It was found that approximately 50% of the trajectories are characterized by high mobility. Under the lens of the theory of fields of strategic action by Fligstein & McAdam (2012), the approach to careers elaborated by Schneider (1994) and Bourdieu's concepts of campus and capital in the works of Savage (2005) and Rosssier (2020 ), the movement mechanisms, accumulated capital and calculations for the construction of trajectories in their various contexts and contingencies were analyzed. Within a broader view, it can be said that the equity of this generalist profile is associated with the political technical profile, because at the same time that this professional has the technical capacity and knowledge of some sectoral languages to solve problems, at the same time he manages to make a political reading of the projects and problems in a pragmatic way. Mobility is useful for these strategies of technical-political “being”. It is a useful instrument for public administration, which gives new managers the possibility of forming teams with qualified and experienced professionals, as well as a useful instrument for managers to manage their professional course and, yes, contribute to changes resulting from the public policies which participate. Managers who have a trajectory with a greater number of movements end up revealing a more pronounced political profile, accumulating more capital and being able to act as strategic actors in their fields of action. Contrary to the bureaucratic tradition that values the specialty as a great ability of the administration, as well as sectorial knowledge in the field of public policies, the contribution of the EPPGG is precisely in its intersectoral mobility.

This research was about policy diffusion with an empirical focus on Brazilian metropolitan regions. The objective was to investigate the conformation and dynamics of metropolitan regions, seeking to understand the political, economic and social factors that influence diffusion. The thesis seeks to contribute to the discussion of the policy diffusion process and the Brazilian federative design. In this context, two research questions guided this study: What is the structure and dynamics of the metropolitan regions diffusion in the Brazil? What political, economic and social benefits are related to the institutionalization of these metropolitan regions? The diffusion process was analysed in general, with a survey and analysis of an extensive set of data on the metropolitan regions in Brazil and through four case studies, referring to the states of Alagoas, Paraíba, Paraná and Santa Catarina. To carry out the case studies, a qualitative research method was used with the collection and analysis of documentary research, semi-structured interviews with key informants, cartographic elaboration and investigation of state complementary laws. The analysis of the case studies was based on political, economic and social factors that influenced the metropolitan regions diffusion process. For the selected cases, research variables were developed and three hypotheses were tested. The results showed that the studied cases became more likely to create metropolitan regions based on characteristics of greater geographic proximity, influence of regional political agents and increase in transfers of resources from federal programs. In addition, the diffusion process of metropolitan regions creation did not accompany the development of adequate functional and bureaucratic management structures. Several metropolitan regions were created that do not have technical criteria or management instruments, such as metropolitan companies, participatory councils and financing funds. In this way, there was institutionalization by complementary laws, but there was no actual implementation of these metropolitan regions. The selected cases demonstrated that the metropolitan regions institutionalization was used as a strategy for distinguishing urban spaces in the competition for resources, without the implementation of inter-federative governance in terms of public function of common interest between the federal entities.

This thesis is about the story of a great process of institutional construction that I dare to identify

justice public resources; prioritization of courts of first instance; action nets; institutional ecology.

The intertemporal dilemmas, i.e., problems that demand integrated and often long-term solutions are characteristic of modern societies. However, in democratic societies, elections require short-term responses. The thesis seeks to investigate under what conditions Parliament is able to approve policy investments¸ i.e., measures in which short-term costs are imposed in the expectation of long-term benefits. For that, a case study was carried out on the procedure, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate, of the Constitutional Amendment nº95, of 2016, which established the New Fiscal Regime and the conditions that allowed its approval were verified. Starting from the analytical model, the conditions that allowed the overcoming of short-term informational biases, long-term political uncertainty and the performance of organized interest groups were examined. Among the main findings of the research, there is the favorable institutional scenario, combining a diffuse responsibility for losses, the low risk for electoral survival as a result of supporting the PEC, insofar as it was a complex topic, with low understanding on the part of society, and strong support from the President of the Republic and parliamentary leaders; a public policy framework that was able to defer short-term costs while anticipating some long-term benefits; and a diffuse distribution of costs that made it difficult to mobilize those most affected and, therefore, the action of interest groups turned to the search for sectoral protection. At the same time, the following elements were pointed out that can contribute to the improvement of the model: consider the internal rules of Parliaments that can facilitate the approval of policy investments; the need to consider, in principle, in middle-income countries the dimension of the medium term when discussing the intertemporal cost-benefit matrix of public policy; the policy learning process that can lead to more workable program structures; and, the sharing of a common diagnosis among the state bureaucracy, facilitating the process of convincing decision-makers.

The thesis discusses the use of motherhood as a political resource. It has, as the corpus of analysis, the profiles of eight female candidates running for different positions, from different political parties and states in the Brazilian elections of 2022. Historically, motherhood has been invisible in the public sphere due to women's absence from these spaces. The responsibility of caring for a child seemed incompatible with the full dedication required of a political representative. However, now motherhood is displayed and claimed by many women in politics, which responds to the effort of identifying with the electorate – by sharing an experience common to many women, they show themselves as "people just like us." Often, the discourse also incorporates elements affirming the moral superiority of mothers, associated with altruistic values and care for the vulnerable, approaching the theoretical perspective of the "maternal thinking." However, the visibility of motherhood rarely leads to the presentation of public policy proposals that alleviate the burden on women who are mothers and even less to a demystification of the maternal role. On the contrary, the ideology of reconciling the priority given to mothering, seen as necessary and unquestionable for any woman, with public activity is very present. For the analysis of the empirical material, the thesis relies on the theory of matricentric feminism by Rich and O’Reilly.

The discussion on the right to abortion goes beyond individual freedom, encompassing issues of justice, social equality, and women's autonomy. The criminalization of abortion has unequal impacts, primarily affecting women from lower socioeconomic classes, Black women, and those residing in peripheral areas. Such criminalization imposes restrictions and inequalities on women, harming their citizenship and social status. Despite some legal allowances for abortion in Brazil, these measures are limited and do not fully recognize women as rights holders. During the 56th legislature - the period analyzed in this study - proposals for restricting and even eliminating access to abortion in the country were observed, driven by conservative political actors and the Bolsonaro government, which attempted to diminish the state's capacity to provide this service. Even in a challenging context with seemingly closed opportunity structures, feminist movements have resisted and strived to prevent the approval of restrictive abortion proposals. The core of this research focuses on how these movements managed to thwart restrictive abortion proposals, even in a conservative and hostile political environment. The analysis adopted here is essentially relational, exploring both the actions of feminists and conservatives - painting a comprehensive picture of the actions and tactics adopted by conservatives in the National Congress - and how the former developed specific strategies in response. The focus is particularly on the Feminist Antiracist Parliamentary Front with Popular Participation, an entity of hybrid nature and composition that simultaneously embraces institutional characteristics and elements of a social movement network. The creation of the Parliamentary Front itself represents a tactic employed by both movements and parliamentarians, providing an effective platform for engaging in the abortion agenda. To achieve this, a collection of abortion-related propositions was carried out through the Information Systems of the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate. The collection spanned from 2003 to December 2022 and included all types of legislative propositions. After a thorough analysis, propositions directly related to the expansion or restriction of the right to abortion were selected. This data was processed using SPSS software for descriptive statistical analysis. The focus on anti-abortion propositions indicated the parties that proposed the most, the profile of parliamentarians, and the status of these propositions at the end of the legislature. In addition, interviews were conducted with feminist organizations and movements involved in the debate on the decriminalization or legalization of abortion, as well as parliamentary advisors and a Ministry of Health technician, totaling 13 interviews. The analysis of the interviews was carried out with the assistance of NVIVO software, allowing the identification of relevant themes and the creation of codes to categorize qualitative data. Materials, such as reports, pamphlets, and online publications from feminist organizations, were also investigated. Based on the collected information and analyses, inferences were drawn about the role of feminist movements in blocking anti-abortion propositions during the study period. The adaptation of social movement strategies according to the analyzed political context is highlighted, seeking influence and support within institutional structures. Feminists intensified their interaction with the Legislature - through the Feminist Antiracist Parliamentary Front - seeking the support of feminist

parliamentarians and engaging in blocking actions with their collaboration, allowing for an expansion of the feminist network and legislative coordination.

This research had as its theme the professional education policy in Brazil and its institutionalization process. The focus of the analysis is centered on the action of the actors and their coalitions that defend their interests – or power –, in the policy formulation and decision-making processes of politics and their institutional changes, in the period from 1909 to 2008. The starting question that guided the works was: why did the institutionalization of professional education fail in Brazil ? Based on this questioning, the main objective was created: to analyze the evolution and changes that occurred in the professional education policy in Brazil, focusing on the political processes underlying its institutional dynamics. The specific objectives: I - trace and identify the evidence of coalition action of actors and their interests in the formulation of public policies on professional education; II - describe and analyze the trajectory of professional education institutions – norms, rules, practices and narratives – over time; and III - identify the institutional changes that occurred and the underlying causal mechanisms. The research line of this thesis is centered on the historical neoinstitutionalist theory, on the theory of the variety of capitalism (VoC), combined with the framework of gradual and abrupt institutional changes. The analysis started from the hypothesis that industrialists played a central role in the country's professional education policy, since, together with the State, they vetoed the participation of other actors in the decision-making processes. The research strategy adopted was the case study, with the use of theory-guides process tracing as methodology. The analysis was national and longitudinal in the sense of exploring and examining how the actors, contexts, trajectory and institutions (independent variables) were included in the temporal dimension to understand policy trajectories. Decision-making helped explain institutional changes (dependent variables – general education and specific education). The investigation had as sources of primary and secondary data, based on documental and bibliographical research and interviews. Official documents researched in the Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate and the Executive (dossiers of norms and rules) were analyzed, in the CPDOC/FGV database (files: Nilo Peçanha, Getúlio Vargas, Gustavo Capanema) it was possible to access several documents that elucidated the narratives of the context. Also, the consulted scientific production and the interviews helped to argue about the institutional changes in the four analyzed periods. For data analysis, thematic content analysis was used, which aims to investigate the motivations of opinions, attitudes, values, beliefs, trends and others. It was concluded that the institutionalization of professional education was divided into two subsystems – one public and the other private – through the causal mechanism of institutional business power. This segregation process was reproduced over time, which allowed the existence of feedback and lock -in effects. In addition, the existence of this mechanism made it possible to institutionalize the advantage of dominant actors by vetoing the participation of actors, such as labor unions, in the policy decision-making process. Still, the ideal-type variety of hierarchical capitalism fits little with the characteristics of Brazilian capitalism, since there was a process of exclusion of actors, which seems to be little related to hierarchy. The causal mechanism of displacement was identified in three contexts, which reveals low veto power of the actors and low ability to interpret the rules. Thus, by the characteristics evidenced in the institutionalization of professional education in Brazil, it can be understood that there may have been a process of non-complementary between the institutional arrangements, which may have reflected in the socioeconomic development of the cou

The work hereby presented aims to develop the concept of cultural heritage representation based on the literature of cultural heritage, racial studies, and representation. With means to apply and consolidate the concept, an empirical analysis examines, from the perspective of race relations, the candidature reports of Brazil’s tangible and intangible heritage recognized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) between 1980 and 2019. The process to integrate the World Heritage Lists begins at the federal sphere of the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage (IPHAN) of Brazil, responsible for elaborating the candidatures and for its presentation at the international level, along with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The main purpose of analyzing those documents is to understand heritage representation in Brazil, with emphasis on the impacts of race relations. For that, the analysis considers symbolic representation, state narratives and institutions, entities and groups participating and integrating the cultural heritages in focus. In accordance with its goals, this dissertation is formed by a theoretical framework, a conceptual construction of the term cultural heritage representation, and a categorical analysis of the candidature documents of twenty Brazilian heritage sites that integrated the World Heritage Lists of UNESCO between 1980 and 2019.

This work is dedicated to the analysis of how the Movement of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Intersex, and other non-heterosexual and non-cisgender (LGBTI+) identities have been institutionalized in Brazilian political parties. We carried out a theoretical debate arranged towards the concept of institutionalization in the literature about social movements and political parties in order to understand this complex empirical phenomenon. After all, even before the country's re-democratization, LGBTI+ activists militate in political parties and transform these organizations establishing their values, goals, and interests. Through semi-structured interviews with party activists and documentary analysis in official documents, such as statutes, party programs, and government plans, among others, we executed a comparative study about the launch of sexual and gender diversity activism in the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), in the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) and the Partido Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB), analyzing the process, factors, effectiveness, and barriers of its institutionalization. We focused on the statutes and the sectorial organization of the theme in each of the three cases concerning to understand the differences and similarities between them. Despite the differences and historical antagonism, PT and PSDB are the ones that share more similarities. Its secretariats are born as party nuclei in the city of São Paulo, despite the different periods of each one's emergence - PT in 1992 and PSDB only in 2006 - and its militants have been nationalizing the group, taking advantage of the power of São Paulo's LGBTI+ Pride Parade as a tourist attraction to foster a national political organization. The main difference lies in the fact that the PT has a much more imbricated relationship with unions and movements than the PSDB, which has a less social base. In the PT case, it is impossible to separate a partisan actor from a social movement activist (and in some cases, also a trade union actor), unlike the Tucana Diversity, which is more clearly composed of partisan actors that eventually relate to social movements. The PSOL was the most dissimilar case because of its low degree of institutionalization of the national sector. The party has some sectors organized at the state level, mainly in central Brazilian states, such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and the Federal District, but it has not consolidated its LGBTI+ national sector, with meetings, agendas, priorities, and strategies. On the other hand, PT and PSDB inaugurated their statutes without mentioning the struggle for sexual and gender diversity, instituting this issue only after a previous political organization of activists within them. Unlike the PSOL, which was born already affirming this flag since its foundation. The analysis of the zones of uncertainty shows that engaged actors still have little access to and control of vital areas for the functioning of parties, such as communications, decisions, funding, and recruitment. This shows that a part of Brazilian parties is sensitive to the theme, but with limits. The limits seem to come up against precisely in the process of sharing the power and the resources. After managing to introduce the theme and make the parties distribute collective identity incentives, the next challenge is to access and control the resources of organizational power. Finally, after the empirical results, we propose a concept of institutionalization for the study of the interaction between social movements and political parties.