This dissertation aims to analyze the role played by international organizations such as the World Bank, OECD, and UNESCO in shaping Brazilian Higher Education policies. The study seeks to shed light on the aspects of Brazilian higher education that are prioritized in the reports, documents, and actions of these institutions. Therefore, the aim of this study is to analyze the priorities of international organizations regarding Brazilian higher education policies in the documents, reports and actions of the international organizations mentioned. This work is a quantitative and qualitative study of research, which focuses on three analyses (the first is a literature review and an analysis of important actions of these bodies in the world context; the second one is an analysis of publications between 2000 and 2020 that relate to “higher/tertiary education” or “university”; and the third analysis is a description of five actions of the Brazilian Government and these Organizations). There were many conclusions. Some of them relates to the fact that each Organism had a different role internationally (and in the brazilian case), but it often complemented each other. The publications of these Organizations discuss a variety of Subjects, but it is important to emphasize that they discuss many agendas/events of tertiary education in the last years. Finally, it is concluded that there are processes of influence in these relationships (depending on the interest and profile of each Organisms, in addition to which policymakers will accept, adapt or deny the values and actions of these institutions).

The present master's dissertation conducted an in-depth analysis of the transformations in Chinese higher education from 2000 to 2020, examining and contextualizing these changes within the framework of global higher education. In this scenario, the rapid expansion of the higher education system in China stands out, undergoing a significant transformation by adopting a massified model for access to education while maintaining an elitist approach to accessing world-class quality education. This work analyzes the ascent of some Chinese universities in global international rankings, indicating a pursuit of international prominence by selected institutions. To achieve this, the dissertation examines government policies implemented to boost higher education in China, with a focus on the strategic plans 211 and 985. Diverging from the autonomous models adopted by Western countries, such as the United States and England, the Chinese government employed a "top-down" approach, imposing policies from the top and concentrating investments in a selected group of universities. These institutions, known as the C9, were the target of massive investments to attain the status of world-class universities, aligning with successful models in Western countries. The study concludes that China has been successful in increasing production and the international ranking of some selected universities. However, it also suggests that these institutions have not been able to achieve the status of a world-class university they aspired to, as they still face issues related to the lack of academic freedom, a prerequisite for a world-class university.

Given the struggle of the sociology of violence to provide explanations that properly
take into account the influence of racism on urban violence in Brazil, this paper intends to offer studies
on black masculinities as an alternative path, based on the epistemological foundations of the "colonial
encounter" and the intersectionality, which could provide arguments that fill the gaps that
hypothetically prevent studies on violence and security from going beyond the findings about the
historical vulnerability of black people to violence, reaching explanatory keys on how racism
underpins this vulnerability. First, however, it is necessary to organize a state of the art on the subject
of black masculinities in Brazil, because under the hypothesis that the subject studied here does not
yet constitute a structured research field, lacking significant theoretical or methodological cohesion, I
carried out a bibliometric study on the subject "black masculinities" in Brazilian scientific journals
ranked CAPES Qualis A. The bibliometrics comprised 685 texts, published between 2013 and 2023,
submitted to a series of filters, resulting in a selection of 56 scientific articles of greater relevance and
academic performance, from which bibliographic and textual metadata were extracted. The results
point to a growth in the topic in the highest-ranking journals in the Qualis CAPES system, but it still
has no significant theoretical cohesion, although it is possible to notice a certain prevalence of the
theoretical framework of feminist studies, and methodological practices from the research fields of
education. There is a small group of male researchers responsible for promoting dossiers, co-authored
research and other forms of promoting the subject in academic circles, and in general, the number of
male researchers on the subject has increased, surpassing the number of female researchers on the
subject, especially after 2019.

This research analyzes and interprets how dystopias, a subgenre of utopias that imagine socially pessimistic and totalitarian futures, were born and went through different stages of a theorization process that triggered their proliferation and consequent popularization, simultaneously with the reverberations and developments of such fictions that place them as sociological entities within the structure of feeling of late capitalism. I identify them as specific fruits of this stage of capitalism, as well as narratives that behave in a dilettante way and that add different elements of the human sciences in their fictional constructions, demanding an analysis that addresses such multiple characteristics of different areas, when linked to the universes of science fiction, outlining this research as interdisciplinary, with sociology as the empirical basis and guiding thread that interconnects the arguments and developments presented, intertwining cultural studies, Marxist studies and critical theory. Through such theoretical references, dystopias acquired social singularities based on the argument that they were disseminated through the paths of such a phase of the capitalist system, such as the heyday of the cultural industry, in the second half of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. , and the forms of massification and homogenization driven by the audiovisual and its reified historiophoties, the obscure mnemosyne atlas, enabling new forms of the ideological domination of capital, such as the recontextualization of historiographic and historiophotic narratives, and the concatenated instrumentalization of these as a tool of soft power in generalization of totalitarianisms, in the creation of the dystopian inevitability of the total and in the strengthening of the self-fulfilling prophecy that represents capitalism as the only option in the face of generic totalitarianisms. However, as the concept of dystopia goes through its theorization process, it acquires new social, geographical and historical characteristics, enhanced by the translation of these fictions into different media and their languages, increasing their complexities and the voices that compose them, enabling new critical approaches. which now echo old fears and fears, previously silenced. Gradually, technical progress generates a disconnection of the reciprocal relationship between the past, the present and the future, exhibiting the totalizing movements of late capitalism through the cultural industry and generic totalitarianisms that, once effective, are now pastiches of the idea of totalitarianism and are filled by capital's own conceptions, self-referencing, and opening structures of political opportunities. Considering dystopian fictions as aporias, insofar as open political opportunity structures are not necessarily occupied and do not result in social progress, added to the lack of political agendas, they also result in counterproductive effects, which equally does not nullify the existence of a militant pessimism that points to remnants of an impulse in imagining the future.

In contemporary times, education is a fundamental social activity that encompasses and articulates essential aspects of collective life. In fact, the centrality of instruction is most evident in a series of institutions dedicated to teaching, especially in schools. School is where the process of instruction begins and develops, based on stable rhythms, movements, and routines. Like any other social institution, the school is affected and conditioned by the socio-economic and socio-political context to which it is linked, especially by public policies designed and implemented by the municipal, state, or federal authorities. On the other hand, the school is also the space within which numerous actors, with different roles, carry out their work. In other words, the school is a space of experience in which a complex range of relationships is established between different professionals to promote the teaching/learning process for children and young people. Among these professionals are the teachers. The task of accompanying students in their education and development weighs most heavily on them, since it is with teachers that they spend most of their school time. Students are therefore the "object of work" for teachers and because they have a specific individual and social character, they mark the very nature of teachers' work. On the other hand, public education policies for the different segments establish a series of rules and procedures that have a direct impact on teachers' work, requiring them to align themselves with new logics that restructure the organization of their work, and the way schools are administratively managed. In the case of secondary education, these policies reflect the contradictions between capital and labor that have historically permeated Brazilian society itself. Even the policy guidelines for the New High School (NEM), with its proposal to diversify the curriculum, does not escape the structural educational dualism that separates the intellectual and manual dimensions according to the social positions of the subjects, within the framework of the country's enormous social inequality. The reform of this segment, which is still in the unfinished process of implementation, is already undergoing significant changes, revealing above all its mismatch with the reality of existing public high schools. In the Federal District, the picture is no different. The series of changes proposed by the new policy come up against structural constraints in schools and teachers' working conditions. It is within these new contradictory logics that are now putting pressure on the school institution that teaching professionals are challenged to give meaning to their actions and achieve personal and professional fulfillment. In this case, what makes up the horizon of expectations of secondary school teachers in the Federal District? How do they cope with the contradictions and mismatches at school, in a society marked by social acceleration and the constant risk of alienation at work? What personal and collective coping mechanisms do these professionals have to deal with this situation? How does all this affect the dynamics of the meaning of work and the very construction of the subjects' historicity? These are the questions this research sets out to answer.

Over the past two decades, state actors affiliated with the Ministry of Culture in Brazil have sought, through the National Book and Reading Plan (PNLL), to redefine parameters and objectives of public policies related to the theme. However, they have encountered various obstacles that end up hindering many initiatives, resulting in modest outcomes. Among these obstacles, a notable issue is how these policy modalities have historically structured themselves in the country. They originated from an initially authoritarian design that prioritized content control over reader development. Simultaneously, the framework of economic-industrial development took center stage in the state agenda, cutting across the entirety of other public policy agendas. Therefore, and to invigorate the publishing sector, policies for the acquisition and distribution of books to schools were increasingly favored, but without any corresponding effort or adoption of equivalent initiatives on the reception side. This bias persists to this day, considering that successive governments have been allocating substantial budgetary resources to the acquisition of both educational and non-educational books, while reading indicators in Brazil remain stagnant. Building on this diagnosis, the present research aims to investigate the origin and trajectory of public policies for books and reading in Brazil, as a means of analyzing the challenges faced by a policy like PNLL and its purpose of redirecting actions towards reader formation. For this purpose, a socio-historical approach is used as a reference, understood here as a long-term procedural research, focused on an in-depth analysis of the social relations involved in these policy modalities over time. In this case, the dialectical dynamic between changing circumstances and more stable elements is considered, which resulted in the establishment of institutionalized patterns directing governmental initiatives towards the supply side. Among the highlighted conclusions is the fact that this logic continues to prevail, given the inertia of configurations and power fields involving bureaucracies and sector entrepreneurs, coordinated around the issue. They are now being challenged by the ongoing digital revolution, imposing radical transformations on business models while revolutionizing, on a scale similar to the invention of Gutenberg, reading devices and the ways people read.

This doctoral dissertation is situated within the research line of sociological theory, operating within the interdisciplinary framework between sociology and criminology. The research topic explores the relationship between social dominations and socio-environmental damages, with the following research questions: I. What social processes structure socio-environmental damages, which social groups promote and benefit from them, and which social groups are most adversely affected and in what ways?; and II. How do unequal power relations and the non-neutrality of law, the penal system, and the capitalist State impact socio-environmental struggles in tactical and strategic issues? To address these questions, critical reflections are initially drawn upon the epistemologies of sociological and criminological theories, highlighting intersectionality as a counterpoint to reductionism/determinism in critical social theories, and contextualizing the limits of criminology in addressing the damages and criminality of powerful agents, such as States and corporations, thereby demanding a transformation of theoretical and methodological paradigms from crime to social harm. Thus, the analysis focuses on the harmful practices of powerful, state and corporate agents, primarily above processes of criminalization, even when they are producers of massive social and environmental damages, such as in cases of genocide and ecocide. Empirically, violence against indigenous peoples, peasants, black populations, and quilombolas, among others affected by environmental destruction, is discussed. Drawing upon green criminology, mechanisms of neutralization employed by powerful entities to ensure impunity and immunity from damages externalized in their economic and political activities are identified. Additionally, the structural dynamics stemming from colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism, and dependency reproduce a relationship of labor exploitation and natural resource extraction in the Global South to ensure social development in the Global North. The externalization of socio-environmental damages does not occur randomly but according to an intersectional logic of social dominations, demonstrating the explanatory and mobilization potential of the concept of environmental racism in the fight for environmental justice. In this regard, various incentives and protections provided by law, the penal system, and the capitalist State to corporations and the exploitation of commodities reveal the non-neutrality of the state in the power relationship between extractivist capital and social movements, generating political, strategic, and tactical dilemmas regarding whether forms of resistance and social transformation should or should not include mediations with such selective institutions and fields of power struggle. Considering divergent critical conceptions of the State, the thesis presents how critical social movements and intellectuals argue involving both potentials and pitfalls of pathways that include or reject such mediations, thus addressing a persistent dilemma in the struggles against social dominations that may never reach a consensus but should not be underestimated.

This study seeks to investigate the frames adopted in media coverage of violent deaths in Brazil and understand if and how data are mobilized in this coverage. Empirically, we analyze the coverage of the newspaper Folha de São Paulo between the years 2000 and 2020, in a reading based on master frames relevant to the field of public security: the characterization of the perpetrators and victims of lethal violence, on the one hand, and the characterization of the causes and measures to deal with this violence, on the other. When discussing the role of information in the network of public security policies, we approach new forms of social participation in this field, which are close to the model of association offered by the literature on think tanks. We analyzed civil society organizations focused on the intensive production of knowledge, which adopt political advocacy strategies based on the principles of transparency and promotion of social control of public data, create bridges of dialogue between users and producers of criminal statistics and dispute the public agenda and media coverage on public security issues. We observe that this new type of social participation impacts the way the media relates to the issue of violence and finally consolidates the trend outlined in the early 1980s, of qualifying media coverage of public safety, which is now addressed in the national editorials, focusing on texts of an analytical nature, to the detriment of episodic texts and with increasing use of data and statistics to support the analyses. Regarding the frames, we observed that the main changes took place in the ways of characterizing the victims and perpetrators of violence, while the readings on the causes and responses to the phenomenon of violence were less affected by the transformations of the analyzed period.

This research aims to understand, through the life stories of six cisgender women
with their own income and higher education, the rupture processes of their already finished violent
heterossexual affective-sexual relationships. The focus was to highlight the forms of violence
experienced by the interlocutors, their trajectories to leave these contexts and how they dealt with
their effects. To better comprehend their realities, interviews were made with women aged from 32 to
36 years old (age group that intended to cover the fact that they spent their adolescence and early
adult life in the midst of the dissemination of Maria da Penha Law in society). Two of them self-
declared themselves as being white, one indigenous, one brown, one black and one black/indigenous; three of them had children and two were residents of rural areas. The intersectional feminist theoretical approach helped to understand that the violence takes place in complex and multiple scenarios that need to be comprehended beyond common sense that provides single stories about them, that tend to blame the victims or to consider them as passive and ignorant in the face of this reality. Any woman could potentially suffer from violence in their affective-sexual relationships,
including those who have sources of income and university education. The psychological violence,
the exploitation of the reproductive work, as well as the financial/patrimonial and intellectual
exploration were present in the center of the interlocutors' reports and peripherally, other forms of violence. Their narratives were diverse but, at the same time, had in common the attack they suffered on their self esteem and on their possibilities of self determination, harming them in their lives, their relations to themselves, their professional and academic careers. Particularly, the forms of
exploitation to which they were submitted had a very negative impact on their careers, insofar as they
had to spend more time doing domestic work and with high expenditure of time, money and
emotional distress. Their rupture strategies were diverse, but all went through a process that was not
easy nor linear, of intense reviewing on the place of intimate relationships in their lives, as means of
restructuring themselves, their projects and their affective sphere. This process was favored by their
insertion in social and support networks and by the initial understanding that violence is not only
exercised physically, with women who are financially dependent on their partners, without access to
study and in no condition of professional/intellectual development, which is already advocated by the
Maria da Penha Law.

Clandestine abortion keeps being reported to polices in Brazil and neglected as a public health theme. In this sense, analyses inside criminal ambients are necessary, however, there are almost no sociological researches with this focus. Aiming to contribute with the filling of this
gap, this dissertation creates a panorama of public microdata produced by Securities Secretaries
about committed or consented by gestant women clandestine abortions in the country over the last
10 years (2012-2021), deepening on Minas Gerais state. Dialoguing with this material, judicial
judgments are valuated to understand social roles of people involved, such as the married woman,
the family, the fetus, the genitor, the medication seller and the health professional. These
quantitative and qualitative data are analyzed under feminist and intersectional perspective, under
faculty of reproductive justice and feminist critical criminology. The main objectives of this work
were 1) by quantitative way, identify who are and what moralities perpass women incriminated by
abortion in national level, regarding race, class, age and other present markers; 2) by qualitative
way, investigate how the act is typified as crime, printing or not attributed values to gender social
constructions and their patriarchal, racist, generational, classists and so on intersections. This work
points the sociological problems involved on the production of data and how it impacts on the
sociodemographic results of the reported women and girls. The found profile dialogs with concluded
regional researches and highlights the vulnerability of some groups of women. Furthermore,
evidences of institutional violence by the part of actors of the justice system were found as records
and trials of the cases on this context. The data and produced decisions about women accused by
clandestine abortion evidence how this act is linked to negative images of social gender roles and
race, that subjugates women and girls in relation to other involved social actors, especially the fetus,
that plenty of times receive infant and victim status.

"This dissertation seeks to follow a path contrary to that commonly adopted when it comes to the relationship between youth and political participation. In this sense, instead of investigating what keeps young people away from conventional politics and what explains their low engagement and interest in this form of political action, it is more directly concerned with what leads young people today to participate in organized politics in a context that produces individualistic subjectivities. To this end, an empirical study was conducted with university students from the University of Brasília (UnB), who integrated the student organizations A Gente que Lute and Aliança pela Liberdade, formed for the election of the student representation space's board of the Central Directory of Students (DCE) Honestino Guimarães in 2019, a period that represents the last polarized student electoral dispute that occurred at the university. With the purpose of answering the following questions: What is the profile of young UnB students who are interested in and engaged in institutional university politics? What motivates them to act in this institutional politics, as well as which affects are mobilized for the exercise of this activity? In this sense, the investigative operation moves along two axes: 1) Understanding what made these young people mobilize to join the political group; 2) What these young people wanted from these groups. It is concluded that the experiences of how each research participant arrived at the political group are diverse and singular because they are inherently related to the environments in which each circulates, with the relationships that each weaves. However, the common point between them that makes it possible to understand the polarized stance between the groups lies in the moral grammar they use to judge the university environment and its problems, the role of the DCE, and the function of the university.”

Patricia Hill Collins is a leading American sociologist whose work focuses on an analysis of power. The hypothesis of this work is that Collins conceives the idea of power as a way not only to identify injustices, but to resist them. We seek to understand, from a bibliographic review, three questions: the paths that the author takes to analyze power, her understanding of how power operates and how to resist differences in power. In the first chapter, we present the theoretical-methodological aspects that, in our view, provide the basis for Collins' analysis of power, namely, the collective point of view of black women; the tension between lived experience and traditional sociology; and intersectionality. In the second chapter, we analyze the theme of power more directly, showing how Collins articulates the idea of a matrix of domination to propose the heuristic of the domains of power: structural, disciplinary, cultural and interpersonal. We also understand the idea of dialectic between oppression and resistance proposed by the author. Finally, in the last chapter we present how Collins articulates the idea of resistance from the idea of community, as the space where people experience power relations, and critical pedagogy. To address these issues, we resort to the author's reading of racism as a system of power, specifically the ideology of colorblind racism. We conclude that Collins understands power from intersecting relationships between systems based on race, class, gender, nation and sexuality. These relations, which Collins analyzes both from the point of view of domination, but also from the point of view of resistance, are organized from the matrix of domination and the four domains of power. Understanding the forms of domination that promote injustice and social inequalities is a way to think more broadly about ways of breaking with domination systems. 

This is a case study on the social bonds of homeless people with public health and social assistance policies, in the Administrative Region (RA) São Sebastião - Federal District (DF). The central problem of the research is the quality of public policies for homeless. The general objective is to characterize and understand homelessness based on identifiable patterns of social attachment, paying special attention to public policies. This objective unfolds into three specific objectives: 1) map and analyze the global configuration of homeless social ties; 2) map and analyze, with greater specificity, the dynamics of connection with public policies; 3) verify how the regulatory action of links with public policies manifests itself, observing how processes of stigmatization and selectivity affect this action. The relational approach to poverty was mobilized (PAUGAM, 1996, 2003, 2017; PAUGAM ET AL., 1999; SIMMEL, 1998), the theory of social bonds (GUIMARÃES, PAUGAM E PRATES, 2020; PAUGAM, 2017; ROCHA E LEAL , 2022) and the theory of sub-citizenship (SOUZA, 2009, 2012), to investigate the existence of possible discriminatory conditions in the connection of homeless in public policies in the city. The relational approach to poverty allows us to understand the socio-historical forms of networks of interdependence between the poor and society, in a broad configuration of economic and cultural changes. Combined with the theory of social bonds, this approach made it possible to understand the dynamics of homeless social bonds, with special attention to citizenship bonds. The research was conducted based on interviews with homeless, bringing to light the address situations of the interviewees as a moderating mechanism of their links with public policies. As a result, four major patterns were identified: 1) homeless hosted in institutional shelters are more likely to have access to CREAS and benefits from the Union and the Government of the Federal District, such as Basic Health Care (BHC), from than those not sheltered; 2) homeless without an address are less likely than those with their own address and shelter address to access CREAS and benefits, such as BHC. 3) homeless with their own address are less likely than those sheltered to have the same access, although they still have an advantage compared to those without an address; 4) among the people with the least probability of being linked to public policies, those who, having started to have their own address, explain this transition by the recovery of organic participation links. The results allow us to infer that the stigma of homelessness hierarchizes the connection in public policies and creates the environment conducive to the development of a condition of sub-citizenship.

This work investigates the presence of black authors in the catalog of 15 publishers, located on the  Rio de Janeiro-São Paulo axis, between the years 2011 and 2021. Through a quantitative survey and interviews with four editors, from different companies , it was possible to map the practices, values and behaviors adopted in the publishing market in relation to the publication of black authors. Publishers were grouped into small, medium and large, given the number of authors in their catalog and the length of time the company ha existed. Using four axes of analysis: identity and gender, year of publication, nationality and literary genre, it was possible to cross-reference the data collected to understand the multiple challenges faced by black authors based on their living conditions, work and origin. This investigation observes the recent transformations experienced by the literary market, amid social mobilizations and the application of public policies aimed at the black population. From a racial perspective, it discusses the construction of a catalogue, the editorial approach and outlook of publishers, as well as the curation dynamics and networks established by companies and their editors, to precisely understand the nuances and impacts of race in the institutionalization of practices of Brazilian whiteness in the literary market.

The objective of this work is to analyze the feminization process in the distance tutoring activity of the Open University of Brazil (UAB) system, instituted by Decree No. 5,800, on June 8, 2006, of the Ministry of Education (MEC), being the most evident and substantial public policy for distance higher education in the country (FERREIRA; CARNEIRO, 2015), which aims to promote the democratization and internalization of higher education in the country, with priority for the training of teachers in the basic network of the states, municipalities and the Federal District, based on the assumption that the so-called activity is a teaching activity, that
the composition of the enlisted workforce is composed of a significant part of teachers, in particular, by teachers from the basic public education network and, to a lesser extent, by teachers from the public education network, foundation of private education. To fulfill this purpose, data from the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) database, SisUAB, were used, through a request via Law No. 12,527/2011, the Access to Information Act, in accordance with the provisions of Law No. 13,709/2018, General Law for the Protection of Personal Data, whose data refer to the years 2006 to 2021, corresponding to more than 96,639 links only of tutors and distance tutors, with 62,615 female links and 34,024 male links, confirming thus the thesis of the feminization of labor activity. A research questionnaire was also applied via Google Docs to professionals who were working or who had already worked in distance tutoring in previous years, reaching 2,210 respondents. The objective of the two research techniques employed were: to trace the socio-professional profile of this labor contingent, with emphasis on their sexual composition and the presence of teachers,
and, above all, teachers from the basic education network. The results extracted from SisUAB data and the applied questionnaire allowed us to achieve success in our propositions, since the work activity proved to be mostly feminized, made up of about 40% of teachers in the basic education network, its gender composition reaches 69.88% of teachers and 30.12% of teachers, as well as presenting the main socio-professional characteristics of this expressive laborcontingent and the conditions under which the work is carried out. We theoretically refer to the object of investigation from the configuration of feminization in the world of work, with emphasis on teaching work, using the sociology of work and gender, from the classic contributions to the theme in Engels and Marx, tracing the course of institutionalization of studies on women by sociology in Brazil, analyzing the implications of gender beyond the gender composition of the teaching category of tutoring, since the use of the gender concept, as an explanatory category of analysis, enables the understanding of the elements traditionally associated with the asymmetries that define the female condition in the world of work. We resorted to Marxian historical and dialectical materialism, since dialectics provides the bases for a dynamic and totalizing interpretation of reality, since for Marx, reality is a dynamic and contradictory process inseparable from praxis, since this perspective allows analyzing the relations of classes and sex relations or gender relations as coextensive, since both are structuring and fundamental relations of capitalist society.

The thesis aims to analyze the production of the city of Sol Nascente and Pôr do Sol/DF. The period analyzed was approximately two decades, starting in 1998 (when the installments of the farms began) until the year 2019 (with the creation of the Região Administrativa do Sol Nascente e do Pôr do Sol). I understand the production of the city as a dynamic that involves the composition of multiple scales, associating categories, people, institutions and things (documents, infrastructure). Seeking to account for these multiple scales, the thesis uses varied research sources (fieldwork, documentary analysis, interviews and analysis of reports).
I argue that the production of space in the Sol Nascente e Pôr do Sol occurred in an intermittent movement between autoconstruction (latin american term for constructed step-by-step) and urban planning. These two forms of production engender distinct temporalities, the time of self-construction and the time of urban planning. Contrary to the theories of absence of the State in the production of the aforementioned localities, the presence of the State manifested itself in different ways from the constitution of the two localities until their consolidation.

This paper investigates how the trajectories of indigenous women in Brazilian universities are developed and intertwined. It is grounded on the decolonial and intersectional perspective for the analytical understanding of the confrontation with the coloniality of being, of knowledge and of power in order to address, in its importance and complexity, the admission and the presence of the indigenous women's body-territory in Brazilian universities, especially in post-graduate studies (in master's and doctoral courses) and teaching, which is when they are immersed in the world of research and scientific production. The meanings of the demarcation of the academic territory are considered from the double dimension of their experiences: the expressed insurgency in their words and attitudes, which rise daily and mark their own trajectories during their courses and academic life, and the resistance embodied in the collective affirmation of identity, ancestral ethnic knowledge and commitment to their original communities. Once they have been enrolled in higher education, as body-territories, indigenous women are challenged to persist in institutions that still do not think of themselves from the perspective of and together with the Indigenous Peoples that are part of them. Furthermore, it was noted that the production of indigenous-authored knowledge is deeply rooted in their cultures, contributing to the conservation and updating of their cosmovisions and community values in movements of ethnic self-affirmation and fight for their lands.  Throughout these pages, it is discussed that the attempts to erase  their knowledge and extinguish Indigenous Peoples were stories directly experienced by indigenous women. Violence against them must be understood in the context of the processes that have been inflicted upon their bodies, but as they are organizing themselves in movements of resistance and re- existence, the dictates of power are being confronted and weakened. After all, they not only resist colonial-modern oppressions, but also re-exist, that is, they reinvent themselves as scholars, strongly contributing to the germination of a new society.

The objective of this research is to understand the interrelationships and interdependencies of the constitution of Brazilian cinemas from the point of view of international relations. In this case, within the scope of cultural circulation and knowledge, the circulation of Brazilian works and directors in the international film festivals of Berlin, Cannes, Rotterdam and Venice from 2000 to 2019 is investigated in order to identify the Brazilian directors who frequent these spaces, their discourses and definitions (theoretical and practical) about Brazilian cinemas since the global interweaving. It considers the questions raised about the development of long-term social processes (Elias, 2006 [2002]) to think about the materialization of institutions, audiovisual markets, public policies, training environments, criticism, film clubs and festivals that make up Brazilian cinemas over the years. The analysis of the directors and the meanings of their film works is constructed from a figuration of interdependence between establishedoutsiders (Elias and Scotson, 2000 [1994]). It is based on two assumptions (a) access to culture and education policies aimed at cultural diversity and to technologies and techniques for producing audiovisual works allowed the emergence of a generation of audiovisual directors from different backgrounds from those who used to circulate in the national audiovisual (elite and middle classes) in this period and (b) in a globalized society, international film festivals are privileged spaces for meetings between government institutions, industries, filmmakers and audiences where they operate, reflect and interact. define paradigms for cinema. The results demonstrate (a) the construction of institutions and public policies that aim to circulate in international film festivals, (b) the aesthetic-political results of Brazilian films are negotiated with what is expected of a festival film originating from a Latin American country, (c) policies for cultural diversity, within the framework of international festivals held in Europe, generate new forms of film production and distribution based on cooperation in co-productions and audiovisual laboratories, (d) open to possibility for the “new” in the first two decades of the 2000s in international festivals based on the themes of film works and not just from an authorial point of view. These results update the complexities inscribed in the dynamics of cultural circulation and knowledge and demonstrate the emergence of cinemas that, despite being inscribed in a nation-state, are crossed by global issues that involve new configurations of production systems and possibilities for international dialogue from the recognition policies.

The research investigated the self-attributed representations of femininity by 10 cis women interviewed about their experiences with breast cancer, particularly with regard to the surgical procedure of breast reconstruction. The collaborators shared their illness experience, going through the trajectory about the care of the self, the incorporation of preventive practices, from diagnosis to treatment, and the implications of mastectomy, when such a procedure is indicated, on body image. The reports contributed to an interpretation of femininity associated with self-esteem, motherhood, sexuality and institutional relationships. It was possible to understand reconstructions of femininity in experiences with the medical field and the support and protection network, implied in a set of interpellations, hegemonically constitutive of a "pink culture", with effects on self-identification as oncological patients, care of the self and body perceptions. Thus, femininity is crossed in such a way as to characterize a permanent struggle for healing, in the "battle" for survival, followed by protocol exams, and in the embodiment of other meanings of the breasts according to guaranteed aesthetic procedures. Hence, femininity as a social suffering. If there is a hegemonic representation given the orientation of a surgical intervention with a silicone implant, breast reconstruction will not mean the guarantee of femininity, as expressed in the legislation, but a state of soul, expressing a process of constitutive embodiment of a new body scheme. A somatic culture in this context of breast cancer expresses other femininities about the visibility of a body without breasts. Therefore, the recognition of the inequalities produced contributes to a debate on esteem and morality in order to combat gender effects that constrain women to sometimes disguise a body without breasts, either with external prostheses, or to feel obliged to accept the risks of reconstructive surgical procedures with implants.

This thesis investigates the political institutional bases of what is here identified as government of the underage in Brasília/DF, between 1960 and 1990. The presented concept is built on the perspective of government used by Foucault towards biopower, biopolitics, and the government of populations applied to the underage category, currently used to define a juvenile person. The juvenile population investigated in this thesis includes children and adolescents judicially classified as abandoned, in "irregular situations", delinquents, as well as physically and mentally handicapped. The government of the underage is analyzed in this work as a set of procedures, strategies, techniques, technologies, institutions, discourse, categories, and practices that integrated the basis of public security, the legal and the clinical fields (especially the psychiatric and psychological ones). I argue that there have been different configurations of the government of underage people in Brazil and, based on this, I demonstrate how the evolution of institutions on the government of the underage occurred in the Distrito Federal. Considering the regional perspective, the case study of Brasília provides an opportunity to analyze the process of emergence of care institutions geared towards young people and, respecting the particularities of each state/city/region, it is possible that Brasília provides an opportunity to reflect on the process of structuring the government of underage in the Brazilian states beyond Rio de Janeiro/São Paulo hub. The research was based on historical perspective and used documental methodology, considering as main sources the judicial proceedings from the collection of the Children"s Court of the Court of Justice of the Distrito Federal (TJDFT, 1960 1990); the collection of audits from the Fundação Nacional do Bem-Estar do Menor (Funabem, 1964-1990), as well as judicial proceedings and medical records of children and adolescents who passed through the socio-educational system and through psychiatric institutions under the determination of the Juvenile Court of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.

In this thesis we discuss what has come to be called "the problem of naturalism" in sociology, focusing specifically on the question of the causal form of sociological explanation and its similarities and differences with the alleged "standard model" of explanation in the natural sciences. We begin by presenting some variations of the standard model of the naturalistic conception of natural investigation and how it has resulted, in the social sciences, in an epistemological division between methodological monists and dualists - claiming greater or lesser similarity between the methods of the social and natural sciences and causing a series of other debates within the scope of social theory and the philosophy of the social sciences. After presenting general aspects of the epistemological division between methodological monists and dualists, we move more directly into the aim of the thesis, which is to discuss how contemporary sociological authors have tried to deal with the problem of naturalism through an ontological discussion about the nature of the constituent elements of social reality and the nature of sociological explanation. Firstly, we seek to investigate whether and how Anthony Gidden's theory of structuration and his particular understanding of the nature of the relationship between agency and structure helps to clarify the limits of the "problem of naturalism". Giddens' social theory is taken here as an exemplary representative of the advances made by the authors of the European orthodox post-consensus. Despite the advances of structuration theory on this issue, we next explore how the recent formulations of British Critical Realism provide a coherent conceptual framework which, in addition to filling gaps left by previous theories, moves towards clarifying the question of the nature of sociological explanation and the sterility of old oppositions regarding "naturalism". The alternative of Critical Realism is the defense of a particular conception of cause, combined with an epistemological pluralism that is, at the same time, realistic about the objects investigated.

 Police institutions are a crucial part of contemporary social life, and their capillary presence guarantees them a privileged place within the organization of social life. In this sense, this work sought to understand how military policemen from the Operational Tactical Group of two Administrative Regions of the Federal District (Planaltina and Ceilândia) organize their daily work and produce their practical action. The objective of this dissertation, in turn, was about the construction of the concepts of youth, criminality and territory, elaborated by these GTOP policemen. Through field research carried out in the two locations, with the execution of focal groups and interviews, it was possible to realize that police work is built from the symbolic interpretation that the policemen make about these themes, central matter of police action. Finally, throughout the work it was possible to conclude that the interpretations of the policemen are guided by the formation of practical police knowledge, which guides their notions about territory, crime and youth. The understanding of territory is impacted by the apprehension of the concept of public order, just as the notion of crime is also guided by a legalistic notion of reality. In relation to youth, policemen divide the moments of life between childhood, where there is admiration and respect, on the part of children, and youth, which would bring a possible conflictive relationship. However, policemen interpret this relationship with young people from a dualistic key, where the good youngster is seen as someone who likes the police and would not bring conflicts, and the criminal youngster who would confront and not show affection, admiration or even subservience to the police.   

The present study is focus on the construction and validation of a theoretical framework supported fundamentally by the existence of an elective affinity argument, taking in consideration a Weberian sense, between the malevolent and military habitus, a dispositional unfolding of the military spirit. Starting from the possibility caused by the frameworks of meaning in the context of the dictatorship, the practices of repression, extermination and torture were instantiated, resulting in the practical production of banal vile. To understand such forms of meaning, the objective of this study the design sociological of the torturer military, agent of torture during the military regime, as well as better understanding the regime's ideology that legitimized such practices. The objective is, therefore, to problematize the villainy as well as the socio-historical anachronism that usually falls on military torturers, defending a perspective that gives these actors their proper context and dispositions. We also seek to give the “evil” its proper character as a social fact. Furthermore, we end up bringing the debate on morality into sociology by revealing torture as a moral fact and, therefore, as part of the social reality, not to succumb to fatalism or determinism, but bringing this problematic as a internal data of the social reality.

This Thesis analyzes and discusses the construction of legitimacy by trial court criminal judges in the Federal District (DF), Brazil. Based on the contributions of procedural justice theory, the research aimed to identify and describe how this legitimacy is constructed and perceived by judges who work in criminal trial courts in the Federal District. To this end, five categories of analysis are proposed: legal technique, professional relationships, social expectations and images of judge and justice, adherence to organizational values and effectiveness of jurisdictional provision, which were initially associated, in our hypothesis, with self-legitimacy. 10 in-depth interviews were carried out with head and substitute judges working in different courts with competence in criminal law in the Federal District. The discourse analysis points to technique and quality of professional relationships as consistent descriptors of self-legitimacy by the interviewees, while attention to general social expectations, adherence to organizational values and perception of effectiveness serve in a limited way for describing judges’ self-legitimacy. The limits of these last three categories are shown to be related to the counter-majoritarian role of Judicial power, the lack of understanding of organizational values, and to the prevalence of structuring factors, such as the cultivation of a punitive value underlying the exercise of criminal jurisdiction and an immediate view of criminal decisions’ effects handed down on criminal trial courts.

This research, conducted in the marroon community (Quilombo) of Conceição das Crioulas, located in Salgueiro/PE County, analyzes the process of organization of maroon (quilombola) women in the foundation, maintenance and defense of maroon communities. The land/territory is considered and situated as an active subject in the practices, experiences, resistance and (re)existence in the marroon community of Conceição das Crioulas/PE. The research has the foundation of the marroon community in the mid-eighteenth century to the present day as the time frame, a period in which we investigate and take note of the action and protagonism of quilombola women. The research objectives are: (a) to historicize, together with these women, the centrality of the organization and struggle for land/territory and how they combine forces and use female agency to develop political actions in the marroon community; (b) to contribute to break silences regarding the actions of maroon women in their struggle for rights; (c) to reflect together with the women of Conceição das Crioulas, myself being one of them, about how to
produce other meanings for spaces (land/territories) while being grounded in the past (ancestry) and nurturing the present to project the future in a land of women; and (d) to listen to and reflect with these women on the meaning of land/territory so it does not disconsider territorial ancestry, the social  organization and the sense of belonging of maroon men and women. The research showed that: maroon women fight oppression using different strategies; maroon women's organizations feed on epistemologies of thinking-making-living-feeling, which are characteristic of maroon communities; that the political work of maroon women is silenced; that marroon communities are Black and female inventions; that the land/territory is the basis of women's political and organizational work and that the political action of the maroon women of Conceição das Crioulas as a local organization has characteristics of a global political action of women in Brazil, therefore, of a Black maroon feminism that feeds on maroon collective practices. As for the methodology we suggest an innovation and we situate this work as a research shared with these women. Therefore, I used conversation circles and interviews and also visited the farms, artisan groups, the ‘Birthday Girls of the Month’ reunions and a local community garden. Also for the methodology, I exchanged written letters with these women, whatsapp audios and other written materials about the history of struggle and resistance of the Conceição das Crioulas maroon women. This dissertation contributes to studies on maroon communities because it it narrates maroon history from the perspective of maroon women regarding their forms of organization in maroon territories in conversation with Black feminism theories and decolonial studies.