A broad debate on the moral and intellectual capacities of women broke out in Europe at the end of the Middle Ages. The Querelle des femmes calls into question the relative superiority or inferiority of the sexes and is the central theme of this research. Na example of how the quarrel took place outside the European context can be seen in the controversy involving two famous figures of colonial Mexico:Juana Inés de la Cruz (1648-1695) and Father Antonio Vieira (1608-1697). This famous controversy began after the publication of a text written by Juana Inés in which she criticized a sermon given by Father Antônio Vieira. The text inflamed a conflict that took place in the religious pulpit and was caused by a power struggle between clerical authorities who dominated the intellectual scene in New Spain. From this perspective, this research intends to analyze two texts that highlight the Querelle des Femmes: the Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz (1692), by Juana Inés, in which she presents a list of intellectual women to declare their right to write, and the Apologia a favor do Reverendo P. Antônio Vieyra da Companhia de Jesus da Província de Portugal (1727), written by a cleric in Portugal in defense of Antônio Vieira. In addition, considering the subject of sexual politics, we intend to reflect on how Juana articulates a conscience in a tradition of feminist debates and inserts herself into the intellectual discourses of her time, demonstrating the fragility of the power of the hegemonic ecclesiastical elites of New Spain.

This dissertation has as a theme the analysis of the short stories "Singular Ocorrência", "Noite de Almirante" e "Capítulo dos chapéus" written by Machado de Assis in their original periodical publication. The objective of the dissertation is to execute a research upon vestiges which may have fertilized the creation of women so dissident over the ones found on the official sources, based on the evidences found within the analysys. The women portrayed by Machado de Assis are represented by Marocas, Marina, Sofia, Ignacia e Genoveva, each one of them provided with their own singularity, yet still united by the disparities regarding the social norms expected from the 19th century women. His stories have the characteristic of presenting male narrations. The analysis started with a detailed survey of the “Singular Ocorrência” short story, where we examined the dynamic between the characters Marocas and Genoveva, accentuating the way in which the author develops their characteristics and relationships. Thereafter, we discuss the narrative focused on the hat in "Capítulo dos chapéus" and how it reveals the social and gender complexities of the period. And, at last, in the short story “Noite de Almirante”, Genoveva returns to the spotlight as a way to illustrate that the women depicted by Machado de Assis assumed the responsibility for respecting their choices and desires despite how they were seen. The vestiges presented by the analysis lead upon incidences inside the "A Estação e Gazeta de Notícias" periodicals, of tangible facts which connected themselves with the stories.

This dissertation investigates the cosmopolitics of the Yawalapiti indigenous people, a historical analysis of the political organization of the Upper Xingu. To perform this analysis, the oral history methodology was used. Interviews were collected among the Yawalapíti and, based on their individual and collective memories, it is possible to understand how the culture and tradition of this people guide their political actions. The present research seeks to answer who are the Yawalapíti, what is the context of the Xingu Indigenous Land, as an ethnopolitical territory. Going through the social history and socio-cultural organization of the Yawalapíti people, through their sacred rituals, their social rules, the spirituality and ancestral customs of the people. Finally, we analyze the political history of the present time, portrayed in the current political context of the people.

The aim of this dissertation is to explain the process of wood production in the Lower Amazon river during the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, highlighting the indispensable role of indigenous work and knowledge in all stages of this process, which involved the recognition, extraction, logging and transportation of this raw material in the interior of Grão-Pará and between that State and Lisbon. In the wake of the theoretical framework of Amazonian history and the new indigenous history, this work is fundamentally dedicated to understanding how the extraction of different species of wood took place, its main purposes and the political environment in which production took place. It also intends to understand the impact that the systematic manufacture of wood had on the social conformations of colonial Grão-Pará, taking into account the labor employed and the importance that wood and its productives logics assumed in the domestic and foreign markets.

The purpose of this research is to examine the Superintendency of Development for the Northeast, SUDENE, as a mechanism for the development of Brazilian policy for the Northeast between 1959 and 1964, with economist Celso Furtado at its head. Seen as a problematic region, the idea of promoting it together with the state and federal governments and departments formed the Northeast Development Council CODENO internally in 1959 as the decision-making body for the program through a planned project. After it was set up and in the years that followed, SUDENE faced the threat of the Council's own internal interests and the participation of Brazilian politicians. It has also faced the intervention of the United States in setting up the Alliance for Progress program. In view of the unstable scenario of Brazilian politics, an examination of the records of the Concil’s meetings minutes and the newspapers Diário de Pernambuco and Jornal do Commercio located by PROCONDEL provides a basis for analyzing this process

Throughout the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, the rights of indigenous communities

were continually disrespected. State policy, characterized by

disrespect and even open opposition to physical and cultural diversity, if

manifested itself through various forms of violence inflicted on these people. The goal

general objective of the work is to analyze the indigenous policy developed by FUNAI management,

during the years in which it was under the control of the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil,

considering the permanences and ruptures with the old forms of control of the people

indigenous people. The Krenak Prison was then created in 1967, a project institution, which came

consolidate a new form of indigenous policy, but which is influenced by other

periods, still bringing colonialism and assimilationism into their activities.

Indigenous people from various parts of the country began to serve sentences for two categories of

crimes: concrete crimes (provided for in the penal code); and subjective crimes (they hurt the

social moralism). Arrests also occurred to reprimand leaders

indigenous people, who stood against the political-economic attacks of the regime and who

they resisted the process of nationalization of their communities. So, the present thesis,

considered that the criminalization of indigenous people was used as an instrument

controlling and punitive, for the indigenous policy developed by FUNAI among the

1960s and 1980s.

Portuguese historiography on the Middle Ages often presents interpretations with political characteristics in which the centralizing royal project that developed at the end of this period stands out, culminating in the so-called Modern State, starting with the reign of King João II, the Perfect Prince. However, based on the proposals of the New Political History, it is possible to analyze the same period in a different way, against the backdrop of a society that was perceived as corporate. This approach will help us to better understand how the Perfect Prince ruled and whether his authority was, in fact, absolute and centralizing. Specifically, this study analyzes the political relations between the monarch and the council of Lisbon, using as its main source the letters sent by the king to the city council and the minutes of the Cortes.

The late eighteenth century was marked by a profound economic transformation for the richest farmers at Oeste paulista, Captaincy of São Paulo: if in the past they had an important role in the domestic supply of the colony, now, pushed by new governmental acts and also by a favorable international scenario, they finally became part of a more profitable sugar agriculture destined for export. Although these families quickly amassed enough wealth to sustain its mills and to purchase thousands of slaves, the high number of heirs could result, following inheritance laws, in the fragmentation of their property, directly impacting the social status recently achieved. In this context, working with sources such as local census, marriage registers, postmortem inventories and genealogies, this dissertation aims to discuss suitable weddings and testamentary strategies adopted during the rise of cane crops in the enriched vila of Itu, both having as its objective the best plan to maintain those families as members of the regional dominant class.

The Student Movement of the Federal Territory of Amapá is characterized by a history crossed by contradictions and complexities. Among these are the activities, during the military regime, of clandestine organizations and the main student body in the territory at the time, the União dos Estudantes dos Cursos Secundários do Amapá (UECSA). From the time frame of the Military Dictatorship, between the years 1964 and 1968, the objective of this dissertation is to investigate how the process of resistance to the military regime on the part of these organizations took place, including the UECSA, which despite having deliberate support to the coup, it was resisted within its own ranks. As a documentary basis, the survey published in 2017 of the Report of the State Commission for Truth of Amapá (CEV-AP), produced between the years 2013 and 2016, the unpublished file of the report, which includes the hearings and official documents that were provided by CEV-AP to carry out this research, in addition to personal records of collaborators of clandestine groups, public files and official documentation. Students in the Federal Territory of Amapá, for structural and cultural reasons, ended up having different reactions from the student movement in the rest of the country. They were actions in support of the military coup, with very restricted resistance cells.

This dissertation aims to examine the energy -industrial Geisel-Banzer agreement, signed in 1974, in the city of Cochabamba in Bolivia, in order to identify the main causes of its decline that led to the frustration of the ambitious integration process. The purpose of the two countries was the construction of an industrial center in the southeast region of Bolivia, financed by the Brazilian government, which, in exchange, would have the right to acquire part of that country's energy potential, especially natural gas. Based on this design, the research is divided into three chapters. In the first, it rescues topics of Brazilian foreign policy in the post-Second War that emphasized the primacy of the construction of the Brazilian industrial society, as well as the consequent demands for energy. Prioritizes, in subchapters, the analysis of Brazil in the Inter-American System (1945-1964); the conquest of the State in 1964 and its implications for foreign policy (integration and bilateral relations in the energy field); and the project “Brazil, a Great Power”: its emergence and sub-imperialism . The aim is to identify possible vices organically constructed by Brazilian politics and draw lessons that affected future initiatives aimed at regional integration. In the second, the Geisel era is presented, focusing on aspects of “Responsible Pragmatism”, the economic strategy of 1974 and the main challenge of his management: energy. Finally, the third chapter rescues the historical and contentious aspects of the Brazil-Bolivia relationship, notably marked by the negotiating presence of hydrocarbons: oil and gas, respectively. Soon after, the implications of the Roboré Agreement (1958) that contributed to its negative outcome and the interregnum of diplomatic negotiations (1972-1974), describing aspects that favored the signing of the Cochabamba Agreement and those that contributed to its failure .

The curiosity and the search for explanations of unknown phenomena is a trait present in a great part of the societies. Throughout human History, a vast number of thinkers, philosophers, scholars, religious people and even the “common people” asked themselves about the mystic, symbolic and natural elements of what they considered “wonderful.” The result is a substantial number, if not gigantic, of documents dwelling on the subject, in which are found written works, images, engravings and other accounts of all sorts, inspired by the mixed feeling of curiosity, wonder and even fear. In the present study, we analyze the book As Raridades da Natureza e da Arte, Divididas pelos Quatro Elementos, published in 1759 under de authorship of the Portuguese nobleman Pedro Norberto Aucourt e Padilha. It was published while the Lusitanian Kingdom faced changes in the intellectual and political scene, at the same time that they dealt with the social and material impact of the 1755 Lisbon Earthquake. This writer, which had already published other works, sought to compile some of the various accounts of the written and oral culture about monsters and wonders in one extensive work. While exploring the five hundred plus pages of the book, we seek to demonstrate not only the perspectives and discourses organized and written by the author. Our purpose is to understand how the tragedy of 1755, accompanied by the 18th century context that favored the study and the written culture, provided an increase in the interest of the Portuguese people to comprehend not only the marvelous and prodigious phenomena, but the organization and behavior of nature and the universe.

This dissertation aims to understand how the political culture of the military dictatorship era (1964-1985), with censorship, conservative modernization of the authoritarian regime, and the national-developmentist ideal impregnated in the filmmakers' perspective at the time of the first years in Brasília, influenced the production of films and the vision of these artists about the new capital. There is a theoretical debate among the main authors that will provide the basis and support for the arguments used in the dissertation, such as Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, and Stuart Hall. Based on this, it will be possible to understand the concept of systems of representation and how they are present in the narratives of the films about Brasília of that time ("Samba em Brasília," "Vestibular 70," and "Brasília Ano 10") and in the documents produced by the censors. Understanding how the dynamics between censors and censored artists and their artistic productions worked will be the guiding thread of the work since it will discuss the possible representations of what an ideal production about the new capital would be and what was considered a risky, "subversive" production, and how this is directly connected to a majority discourse about Brasília. The construction of these discourses about the capital will also be analyzed as a way of understanding why they arise and are important both for the Brazilian state and for the artistic producers of that time.

We carried out an analysis of the series of printed engravings, The Victories of Emperor Charles V. They were drawn by Maarten Van Heemskerck and Dirck Coornhert engraved them. This work was published three times, in 1556, 1558, and 1563 by the Antwerp printing house, Aux Quatre Vents, under the direction of Hieronymus Cock. The series is dedicated to Charles V's son and successor in the Netherlands, Philip II, and shows 12 of his accomplishments during his reign. According to our research findings, the engravings were based on the imperial repertory in order to create a triumph on six principles: mperium, translatio imperii, Holy Roman Empire, dynasty, war on unbelievers, and chivalry. We aimed to design the context/We attempted to establish the setting in which the construction of the printed material was validated. Therefore, we rely on the premise of communal production and the individual interaction of the network of printers' components with the senses moved by the series to accomplish this. At the same time, the effect of censorship, patronage, and antiquarianism of sculptures and sketches of ruins and buildings in Rome was accentuated in the establishment of space for print production and construction. The series was noticed to be in tune with the genre of triumph in the form of a rhetorical instrument based on a model representation of Carlist conquests that served as both an example to his successor and an assertion of his reign's legacy.

This dissertation aims to analyze and understand the cultural representations established in Taguatinga (DF) street markets and how they are responsible for building identities in the city's daily practices. These memory and affection relationships built in the space of the two fairs are also related to the process of occupation of Taguatinga (DF). The reflection on this theme will analyze the narrative of those who are part of Feira do Bicalho and QND (marketers and customers) with the aim of inscribing them within the process of historiographical writing. It is in this sense that Oral History is essential, where the speech of stallholders and regulars present different representations of the same space, the way in which they constitute and build their identities, showing what is significant to them. These interviewed stallholders are not observed separately from their environment, but are active agents and participants in an interview script that incorporates the experience. This more open methodology allows, through narrative, the search for details in the subjectivity of speech, which unfolds in other questions generating masses of memories that make up the analysis of this work, interpreting what was evoked at the time. And so, the uses of memory through Oral History allow access to the most sensitive dimensions of know-how, living and organizing the crafts that build the representations and self-representations of the stallholders. Based on the understanding that fairs are places of dense historical and social formations, encompassing a wide diversity of representations and identities, these processes are configured differently according to their local particularities and the cultural elements present there in the cities where they are installed. Therefore, since these two fairs in Taguatinga (DF) are formations based on different processes, which, like the other fairs in the Federal District, also need to be studied and represented under the narrative of the social actors that constitute them, they also open the possibility of understanding the formation of identities in these environments and how these individuals relate to the informality and occupation of public space in cities.

This work investigates The obsolescence of humans and the Theses for the Atomic Age, central writings in the work of Günther Anders, as part of the construction of a thought that seeks to analyze a new experience of time, coined in the possibilities of the end and extermination of the human species. Three axes concentrate these analyses: the proliferation of technical images, as a way of distancing humans from understanding their technologies; technological totalitarianism, seeking to show how distancing from this understanding leads to human obsolescence and totalitarian policies, which take advantage of the possible means for their overcoming; and, finally, an analysis of the possibilities of the temporal experience predisposed by Anders in the face of the Anthropocene. From these analyses, we seek to map images that define the experience of the end time and determine which imagination about the end is supported by them.

The creation of the figure of the "praças" in the Permanent Police Corps in the Empire had a clear objective: to maintain social order. The structuring of policing gained strength from 1831 with the establishment of the Municipal Permanent Corps and the process of creating penal and criminal codes. The aim of this research is to analyze the aspects of the lives of these workers, the praças, who served as frontline agents in policing the streets of the Court city between the years 1831 and 1850. Additionally, this study seeks to view the praças from a perspective that goes beyond seeing them merely as repressive apparatus of the state, but rather, to consider them as individuals with their own desires and aspirations, and to recognize their individualities.

This dissertation analyzes the text and the photographs in Tristes Tropiques (1955), with the aim of elucidating the discursive modalities that are articulated within it to account for Lévi-Strauss's experience with Brazilian indigenous peoples. Drawing from the tradition of the double livre in 20th-century French ethnology, the study seeks to address the construction of otherness in the book by exploring the use of poetic elements in scientific discourse, the question of authorship and subjectivity in autobiographical narratives, and the role of photographs in their relation to realism in anthropology. These mechanisms allow us to capture the functioning of a bricolage paradigm in Tristes Tropiques, operationalized by Lévi-Strauss under the tension between science and literature, with the purpose of synchronizing effects of presence and the expression of truth in contact with the other. 

The objective of the research is to analyze the chain of facts that led the United States to dictate an economic blockade against Cuba in 1962 and its political developments since, as well as to evaluate the reasons used for its imposition and permanence after the end of the Cold War. This paper was developed taking two periods into account: the democrat government of John Kennedy (1961-1963) and Bill Clinton (first term, 1993- 1997), both which differentiate themselves in relation to the international context (Cold War and the new world order post-1989), but do share the wish to provoke an economic collapse in the Caribbean country, to overthrown the regimen initiated after the Cuban Revolution. Despite having the same interest, these administrations stood out for different reasons: the Kennedy administration for declaring the blockade in the midst of the Cold War to contain the expansion of communism in the West, after Fidel Castro spoke about the socialist character of his Revolution; and Clinton’s first term for hardening the economic sanctions with the objective of transforming that Island into a liberal democracy just like the American democracy, after the end of communist scare with the USSR’s downfall. We sought to show that the relations between United States- Cuba are more complex and profound that just a mere misunderstanding between countries in the middle of the XX Century; these divergences had great influence in the American political actions on different periods, which led to the economic blockade. The hypothesis we approach is that, despite the justificative used to legitimate the blockade, the US government was always seeking out for a single objective, to overthrow Castro´s regime.

The present work was developed to understand the construction of the National Security Doctrine (NSD) and its operation within the institutions of the Brazilian state during the dictatorship, specifically within the surveillance institutions, when they began to persecute and catalog individuals labeled as subversives. This action, carried out by institutions through the National Security Doctrine, aimed to catalog potential insurgents who could pose a threat to the dictatorship, from the military's perspective, so they could be pursued if necessary. To do so, it was necessary to understand the origin of the NSD, which derived from the US strategy to deal with Latin America during the Cold War after the Cuban Revolution in 1959, when the Pentagon identified a new revolutionary modus operandi: guerrilla warfare. After recognizing this guerrilla strategy, it became evident that conventional warfare tactics were not the most suitable for dealing with the Americas. Thus, strategies involving psychological operations were employed to reinforce capitalist ideology in the region through coups and propaganda starting from 1960. However, to accomplish this, it was necessary to have knowledge of the region, and therefore, surveillance and information gathering became integral parts of the strategy, involving both military personnel in the region and intellectuals from American universities funded by the US military. The main outcome of these efforts to maintain capitalism in South America was the NSD, which entailed a complex surveillance apparatus spanning various state institutions, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty), which extended this surveillance system beyond national borders. However, a diplomat would act on behalf of this dictatorial state, using the prerogatives of their informant role in a controversial manner.

This dissertation investigates the Brazilian Land Reform Association’s political behavior (ABRA) from 1967 until 1988. The ABRA was created in 1967 for middle class professionals who demanded the implementation of land reform policy in the country. Since your foundation until mid-1980s, the entity based your actions on advocacy in the Land Statute, legislation approved by the National Congress on November 30, 1964. However, during the works of the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly, change your position. The study explores if the change in policy position of the ABRA was due the necessity to created one more new land reform proposal, able to add the main policy actors and social defenders of the changes in the country’s land structure.

The objective of this work is to assess the Brazilian government role while acting as an informal emissary of the United States of America in its conflictious relations with Cuba in the timeframe of the Cuban Revolution and the Cold War. It highlights the good offices provided by João Goulart’s administration, between March and April of 1962, as a request from the U.S. president John Kennedy, on behalf of the non-execution of Brigade 2506 members - a group of Cuban exiles detained by the revolutionary government, the year prior, after the failed invasion of the Bay of Pigs. At the time, faced with imminent negative repercussions, both internally and externally, namely, the North American public opinion exasperation in favor of more aggressive initiatives by Washington against Havana, and, the consequent reinvigoration of conflicts with Moscow in other regions globally, the White House would mobilize efforts in order to avoid the contingent’s execution. Brazil was appealed as an effort once the country maintained a correct relationship with Cuba, as one may say, due to the ongoing Independent Foreign Policy and the principles that came with it and helped in the advocacy for the country's international position. In this regard, this dissertation proposes an analysis of the episode, associating it with the Brazilian diplomatic propositions to the Cold War, in conjunction to its foreign affairs and, especially, aiming national goals. Moreover, also suggests the examination when it comes to the effects of said mediation to the status of bilateral relations with the United States government with the context of divergences fostered by Brazilian foreign policy, in particular to the regards the position on the alleged Cuban issue.

The excursionist associations that emerged in the former capital of Brazil, the city of Rio de Janeiro, can be considered the spaces in which the organized mountaineering was developed and institutionalized in Brazil, even though they were not strictly performing mountaineering activities. These groups, mainly formed by an urban middle class, whose practice is directly related to exuberant natural environments, advocated in different moments for nature protection and conservation. This work presents how, both collectively and individually, the excursionists advocated and worked in favor of nature between the 1940s and 1960s. The first chapter aims to understand the foundation of excursionist associations as part of a broader historical process related to amateur sports and nationalism. In the same chapter, the approach and involvement of excursionist associations with public authorities, such as the Federal Forestry Council and the Federal Forestry Service, are explored. The following chapters address the development and the intensification of the relations between excursionists and conservationists, as well as the progressive assimilation of nature conservation in the institutional documents of the associations. The research examines the records of the excursionist associations' bulletins and widely-circulation newspapers. During the research, there were found plenty of evidence that the excursionists were aware of nature conservation ideas. Furthermore, there was an active dialogue and incorporation of these ideas into their educational processes.

With the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán on April 9, 1948, the political conflicts in Colombia of the previous decades manifested themselves with greater intensity throughout the national territory, originating an escalation in the armed confrontation between the two traditional parties, which would eventually become an authentic civil war that would be recognized as the era of Violence. From literature a response to this moment is given, with the origin of a set of literary works that address, explore, narrate and interpret the events of this period receiving the name of the Literature of Violence. In this investigation, we will analyze how a specific work La mala hora (1966) by Gabriel García Márquez came to dialogue with this convulsed context, since Gabo presented to the public a fiction based on verisimilitude, on the identification of a particular theme and on the need to express a problem widely recognized by the reading public, with which his literary construction in the course of time became the "truth". Taking into account the above, the objective of this dissertation is to answer the question: how did the literary work La mala hora, as an aesthetic object, become credible, operating as a representation that configures some kind of knowledge within the narrative proposal of the novel of Violence in Colombia? In order to understand violence not as the direct protagonist of the narrative, but as a specter in social and cultural life, as well as to understand the possible relations of tension, contradiction, rupture or complement between fiction and the historical events that occurred in Colombia between 1946 and 1958. For this purpose, we will rely on the contributions of cultural history and the epistemology of romance, emphasizing the study of representations and the construction of credibility.

The research entitled Jaboatão uprising: the participation of railway workers from Great Western of Brazil in the communist insurrection of 1935 aims to analyze the local/regional elements and the internal dynamics of these workers in the period delimited from the analysis of legal proceedings by the National Council of Labor and the National Security Court, in addition to the records of these workers at the Department of Political and Social Order and the news published in Diário de Pernambuco and Diário da Manhã, two Pernambuco newspapers with large circulation at the time. This is, therefore, a research proposal in the field of Social History of Work from the Thompsonian perspective of history from below, which also seeks to highlight the identities of these railway workers, their individual and collective experiences, their political and social organization and the reasons that led them to join the revolutionary attempt of 1935.

The preface historique of the Description de l’Egypte, written by Jean-Baptiste Joseph Fourier, although
mentioned in discussions on orientalism, did not have its historical narrative properly analyzed. The
objective of this dissertation is, by looking at the history of Egypt narrated in the preface, to understand
what tools were used to write it, to discover the links between this narrative and the imperialist efforts of
Napoleonic France, and to understand what Fourier sought to do or propose in your writing. It is
expected to demonstrate, through the analysis of its production, its narrative and the similarities and
differences of the preface with other contemporary historical narratives, that the preface must be
studied as a document that presents many other possibilities in addition to being the representation
writing of orientalist genesis.

In 1973, Isaiah Berlin (1909–1997) published an influential article entitled CounterEnlightenment, which has since been the subject of considerable academic debate. For Berlin, the Counter-Enlightenment is represented by authors who opposed the exegesis of reason and other universalist aspects propagated by Enlightenment philosophes. In this study, therefore, we investigated the conception of Counter-Enlightenment outlined by Berlin and its influence on historiography. Our main objective is to analyze how and for what reasons Isaiah Berlin united under this term authors as diverse as the Neapolitan Giambattista Vico (1688-1744), the French Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) and the German Johann Hamann (1730–1788) and Johann Herder (1744–1803). Furthermore, the legacy of Berlin's work is perennial in historiography, although there are criticisms of his work. In this sense, we scrutinized the reception of Berlin's article in historiography through the analysis of books written on this topic and articles published in international academic journals. If, on the one hand, there are authors who defend Berlin's postulations, even criticizing his mistakes, on the other hand, there are historians who pragmatically move away from this conception and argue that the CounterEnlightenment did not even exist. Therefore, we will investigate the manifestations contrary to the Enlightenment that occurred in the 18th century, represented by authors who called themselves anti-philosophes. Thus, our objective is to understand the dimensions of Isaiah Berlin's text in understanding the variations around modernity and its respective influence on historiography regarding this theme. In order to achieve these objectives, we will use Isaiah Berlin's extensive bibliography and his letters as sources, in addition to all historiographical production.

This research aims to understand how historical knowledge occurs on the web by analyzing the practices that aim to confer authority to the knowledge produced and communicated in the digital space. To this end, we focus our investigation on three history forums within the Reddit platform: r/history, r/AskHistorians, and r/badhistory, between 2008 and 2018. We consider authority as a social and historical phenomenon that presupposes a hierarchical dissymmetry accepted by everyone in the relationship, functioning as a meta concept, which means assuming that authority relations cut across historical knowledge, the latter also being inseparable from social practice. Following authority relations, we first address the hierarchical architecture of discussion forums and the systems that preceded it in the digital space. Then, we move on to understand Reddit as a platform, focusing on the dynamics of its technical sociability and the emergence of subreddits. From there, we will proceed to a deeper discussion about the concept of authority, exploring its historicity and possible transformations when inserted in the digital space. In the end, we engage ourselves in explaining what would be the process that creates and legitimates authorities in the history subreddits through the investigation of three structures that underlie this process: the user profiles, the tools and systems that organize the conversations in the forums, and the rules that address issues of production and monitoring of historical knowledge. The research indicated the complexity and plurality of the concept of authority in the digital space, mainly when associated with the construction of knowledge, highlighting, in particular, the protagonism of executive and non-executive authorities, which manifest themselves as operative authorities, epistemic authorities, among many others, which are related at all times. In this scenario, the history subreddits, by stipulating such relations between epistemic and operative authorities for the production of knowledge, sought stability, security, and intelligibility in an environment known to be open, unstable and contradictory, defending the maintenance of good methodological and theoretical practices in the forums, adapting practices very similar to those that characterize the work of historians. This panorama highlights the creative character of the concept of authority, which starts from the known to create something new. The web's transformation in the construction of historical knowledge takes place in this process of (re)creation adapted to digital materiality. Therefore, the way historians contribute to the web conversation is as important as the content they contribute, bringing to light the construction of epistemic authority through the structure of argument within the digital space.

The thesis aimed to investigate, through narratives from oral history interviews, the trajectories of training and professionalization of four classical guitar teachers in music courses at Brazilian federal universities, between 1976 and 2023. Questioning the history of occupation of spaces by women in music at federal universities, in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, this research addresses the stories that these professionals, currently retired, bring about themselves. Although the initial project focused on a trajectory of university life and teaching from an approach focused on gender discussions, this problematization was extended to reflections through cultural studies and feminist historiography. From the concept of culture as something common, that is, as a way of life from the perspective of Raymond Williams (2011, 2015), the understanding of music as a space for the affirmation of women, guitarists and university professors, research participants, was consolidated and allowed for more in-depth analyzes of the processes of democratization of teaching and training in the field of music, specifically the guitar. It is therefore considered that, more than learning a trade, access to music constitutes a social practice represented in the life trajectories and university teaching of the four guitarists. These reflections, based on feminist historiography, reflect the political importance of the writing of women's history(s) by Joan Scott (1990); Michelle Perrot (1995); Maria Izilda Matos (2013); Rachel Soihet (1997), from self-reported sources. Knowing the stories that four women, guitarists, university professors bring about themselves, represents a new knowledge and the occupation of a previously silenced space. The trajectories of Brazilian guitarists, although they have common meanings, bring unique aspects that make each narrative unique. This research is based on, in addition to oral sources, the personal collection of guitarists such as printed sources, newspaper and magazine reports, imagery sources – personal photographs, artistic productions such as audio recordings, CDs made available by the participants themselves

The present thesis intended to investigate the relationship between Machado de Assis and History, in view of its significance for the History of Brazilian Historiography. For this, I began by highlighting the subjective aspect and the limits of my interpretation, which is characterized by the adoption of a perspective that privileges the concept of transparency as a methodological resource. Based on evidence present throughout Machado's work, I tried to demonstrate that History has a constant presence in the life and work of the Bruxo of Cosme Velho, and this presence was perceived and analyzed in different ways by many scholars of his work. By the way, it was precisely these divergent interpretations added to the perception of an ambiguous treatment – positive/eulogistic X negative/insulting – given to History by Machado that made me reflect on the function and meaning of History in his work. And from this reflection, I found that, among the functions that History plays in Machado's work, that of promoting "historical distance" and, consequently, historical-cultural relativization, is perhaps the most important, because in the performance of this function it serves as a heuristic and critical tool. With regard to the meaning of History in Machado's work, I defend the idea that the ostensive and constant presence of History in the life and work of Machado de Assis, characterized by its pragmatic use, is closely related to the existence of a cynical view of the world and History. A vision acquired from Machado's transit through History and his knowledge of this philosophy, which, in my opinion, characterizes his work with that skeptical-pessimistic tone, expressed, most of the time, in an ironic way or in a serious-joking way.

After the administrative act of March 17, 1855, a small fishermen's village became the new administrative center of the Province of Sergipe under the discourse of modernity and progress. Despite the structural and sanitary problems that it had until the end of the 1800s, the newly created Aracaju town had to be, at the same time, the political and economic center that the province needed. Besides urban transformations and the composing of social, economic and political strategies, it is also important to investigate how historical agents dealt with death in this world, emphasizing the ancient conception of a good death and the necessary material and spiritual means to guaranteeing it, as well as identifying the insertion of new funeral customs for the Brazilian reality of the second half of the 19th century. Therefore, this research focuses on the study of funeral rites practiced by the Catholic and free population of Aracaju/SE and its term in a time of high-spirited discussions about the secularization and medicalization of death. The work aims at the period between the transfer of the capital from the Province of São Cristóvão to Aracaju (1855) and the last severe smallpox epidemic of the 19th century (1896). Based on dialogues from several types of primary sources (inventories, wills, letters, provincial reports, newspapers, death records) and specialized bibliography, we sought to analyze the practices and representations related to death in this specific context, as well as the historical changes that Aracaju society faced during that period.

The present thesis is dedicated to understanding the connections between the medical profession and the Paraguayan War, investigating the diversities, conflicts and negotiations that were consequences of the approximation of civil and military professional realities. The hypothesis is defended that the conflagration was an exceptional moment to understand about to be a doctor in Brazil in the second half of the 19th century, a period deeply influenced by the War. This war was characterized by diseases, especially those of an epidemic nature on and off the battlefield, as key elements to be considered in the strategies formulated by the State and other authorities, as illnesses were the main causes of losses due to debilitation or death. Combating and preventing casualties were urgent objectives of the Imperial Government, as they affected the march and success of the armies, overloaded the public coffers and stained the conception of an enlightened and progressive nation that was constantly erected by the Brazilian State that wanted to promote national sentiment, so fundamental to raising symbolic and effective support for its positions and undertakings with the Triple Alliance against Paraguay. The concern with health and hygiene in war was motivated by the danger they would represent to public order, if they were exported from the battlefield, also because the mobilization to the south to help the Allied forces significantly reduced the number of doctors who took care of teaching and clinical care in the country. This scenario, which had other problems such as recruitment difficulties and constant desertions, was used by the Brazilian medical class, which was formed as such, as an argument in favor of its professional corporation. At the same time that these subjects were affected by the struggle, which highlighted dilemmas faced since the period prior to it and, likewise, launched new questions that put their usefulness and authority at stake, they took advantage of it to prove them to the State and other social groups in order to be able to intervene in the relationships they maintained with them. The production of documents was a widely used and evident tactic of movements that were, in essence, plural. From the scrutiny of ministerial reports, medical journals and the mainstream press, letters, correspondence, reports and memoirs, an analysis is produced here aimed at understanding the many perplexities caused by the rise of a War that lasted longer than expected and brought together different professional social realities. The narrative presented here focuses on understanding the consequences arising from these approximations, situating them in relation to how this structure worked in the period prior to the event.

This thesis examines Brazil's objectives in its relations with the Holy See between the amnesty for bishops in the Religious Question in 1875 and the elevation of D. Arcoverde to the cardinalate in 1905. To this end, diplomatic sources from the period contained in the Historical Archive were analyzed. from Itamaraty, legislative sources, parliamentary discussions and relevant periodicals from Rio de Janeiro. The conclusion reached was that the Brazilian objective with these bilateral relations was directly linked to the stability of internal politics and the legitimization of the current regime. Both the Monarchy and the Republic, the first contested in its final years, and the second in its initial years, sought the support of the Apostolic See to obtain the support of the national hierarchy and the obedience of the citizens. For the Bragantina Crown, the movement was timid and late, so that it was not able to reverse the deterioration of dynastic legitimacy. For the republicans, the rapprochement with the Petrina See extinguished the restorationist focuses of the ultramontane clergy and, at the end of the period under study, increased national prestige with the elevation of the first South American and Brazilian cardinal, Joaquim Arcoverde.

This doctoral thesis analyzes the process of cultural hybridity through food practices in the Bom Retiro neighborhood, located in the city of São Paulo, marked by different waves of immigrants from the early 20th century to the present day. Two sources are examined: the Inventário Nacional de Referências Culturais (INRC) of the neighborhood and that produced through the Oral History methodology, based on interviews with restaurant owners in this territory. By understanding food as a cultural practice, the relationships between the memory and identities of immigrant communities are highlighted. This analysis shows that the neighborhood has hybrid characteristics, influenced by processes of translation, territorialization, and reterritorialization, as pointed out by Stuart Hall and Néstor García Canclini. This conclusion challenges narratives of pure originality and authenticity, in which a single cultural representation of a particular preparation method or use of an ingredient prevails over others. In this sense, the thesis also demonstrates that the cultural identities existing in Bom Retiro are multiple, hybrid, and essential to the configuration of its spaces, so that the transformation of the neighborhood into Koreatown, where the projection of a unique and homogeneous culture predominates, would likely lead to a historical and identity erasure of various actors and social groups. 

Died in February 2014, the writer and journalist Renato Pompeu won three Abril awards and an Esso journalism award, the latter the most important distinction awarded to a professional in the Brazilian press. As a writer he left 22 books published, among them, a novel called Quatro-Olhos, from 1976. Quatro-Olhos draws attention to the very unique way in which Renato Pompeu treats the period of military dictatorship in Brazil. By opting for a language full of metaphors, Pompeu infuses the impasses of modern life and its existential dilemmas in the political situation of the country, so that Quatro-Olhos never presents a solid sense, fully tangible, one-way or homogeneous, as if commenting on the dictatorship, Pompey spoke of his own human condition. In Quatro-Olhos, the title character finds himself distressed, depressed and distraught trying to reconstruct the memory of a book that was lost when the protagonist was taken away by agents of repression. The lost book serves as a metaphor for what the narrator thinks about society, how it is, how it should be, and how distant it is from answering these questions. In a period when the State practices persecution, torture and murder, Quatro-Olhos is not only a way to escape censorship, but also a way of expressing what is beyond language, beyond even what we call humanity. Through Quatro-Olhos we will analyze some ideas and behaviors of Brazilian society in the 60s-80s, the relationship between its social organization and the repressive politics of the State.

The present dissertation discusses the racism in the performance of the first federal public institution of social assistance, called Legião Brasileira de Assistência (LBA), in the period between 1945 and 1965. I adopted a theoretical-methodological perspective that sees the history of the LBA in dialogue with the social historiography of work and post-abolition, in order to consider the target subjects of the assistance policy, mostly black people, as members of the history of the Brazilian working class and of a racially structured world of work. In this analysis, the practices and concepts disseminated by the institution's directors were also considered, as a way of highlighting and discussing the agency through the racial hierarchy that these social actors undertook. In the first two chapters, the official journal Boletim da LBA, published between 1945 and 1965, constitutes the main source of information and questions for this research. Its scope was national and, therefore, the events and ideas reproduced refer to different places within the time frame. In the last part, on the contrary, the problematizations advance to a localized analysis in the space of action of the local instance of the LBA in the Federal District, in 1965, and the official report The Experience of the LBA in the Federal District gains prominence as documentary support.

This thesis aims to ponder about migration and return and the identities of migrating individuals. Through oral history, some individuals lives and migratory process are narrated, with a theoretical discussion about migration, nation-state building and national identities. Uruguay is the background for all those reflections, as almost one quarter of its population finds themselves currently out of its borders. The narratives of migrants returned to their original country are presented in dialogue with an interdisciplinary bibliography, focusing on handling all the different categories of analysis raised by the subjects' own perspectives. From the development of those questions, we understand that the returning migration phenomenon can not be seen as going back, but as a part of a process which communicates with representative productions generated through memories and the idea of belonging to a wider community. Thus, the analysis demonstrates that the migration processes are more complex than just departure and arrival movements, being crossed by many other factors.

This work aims to analyze the concept of objectivity in the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and its metamorphoses. By focusing on the meanings of objectivity in the Nietzschean philosophy, we have in mind the establishment of connections between this concept and central themes of the author’s thought, especially those of the relationship between art and science, history and justice, culture and scientific spirit, genealogy and perspectivism. Thus, in a first moment, we examine young Nietzsche’s thinking concerning art, science, and the artistic objectivity. The latter was, in his debut work, The Birth of Tragedy (1872), qualified as “interestless” and free of any subjective interference. In a second moment, we discuss, focusing on the II Untimely Meditations (1874), Nietzsche’s critique of history and of the historical objectivity, directed particularly against Leopold von Ranke and his model of objectivity. After that, we show how Nietzsche’s reflections on objectivity acquire new contours in the context of his critique of modern scientific culture, articulated in Beyond Good and Evil (1886). In a final analytical moment, we seek to explore the meaning of what Nietzsche called “future objectivity” in On the Genealogy of Morals (1887) and in the context of his discussion on perspectivism. This study starts from the observation that there is not only one meaning for the concept of objectivity in Nietzsche’s philosophical program and, therefore, seeks to track its transformations. In such a context, we intend to highlight the changes in the meaning of objectivity as well as to delimit the exact moment in which Nietzsche replaces a universal, fixed, and punctual objectivity with a particular, dynamic, and plural objectivity.

This dissertation aims to analyze the participation of Congress in the United States institution building in the context of atomic energy regulation during the early Cold War. The United States, emerging as the major hegemonic power after World War II, began to exercise the role of global leadership. Hence, it has undergone transformations and paradigm shifts in foreign and domestic policy. The enterprise of the atom was one of the most relevant policies in determining the new world order. Thus, after the nuclear bombs exploded in Japan in August 1945, a national effort was made to regulate the new technology. The United States then experienced challenges reconciling the mobilization for national security and guaranteeing traditional American values. Thus, the research investigated the involvement of the American Parliament in atomic policymaking from 1945 to 1950 through the approval of the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 and the transfer of authority from the military to a civilian agency. The relationship between the two bodies created by the legislation, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), connected to the Executive, and the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy (JCAE), from the Legislature, was addressed. Finally, the dissertation discussed the relationship between the powers, the conflicts related to secrecy and security, the partisan dynamics of the period, and the establishment of an institutional apparatus dedicated to controlling the use and development of atomic energy.

The following thesis analyzes the trajectories of the vissungos in Brazil during the 20th and 21st centuries based on their traces. The vissungos are understood here as a cultural practice, a philosophy, an episteme, a way of being and conceiving the world, transmitted through songs. These songs, which present characteristics of Central African cultural/musical practices, were sung by enslaved men and women on various occasions and in public spaces in the mining region of Diamantina, Minas Gerais, during the 19th century. They were collected among the descendants of the enslaved of the region mentioned above, especially in the localities of Quartel do Indáia, São João da Chapada, Milho Verde and Serro. The first researcher to record the lyrics and melodies of the vissungos in sheet music was Aires da Mata Machado between the 1920s and 1930s. Between 2001 ̸2002, the researcher Lúcia Valéria do Nascimento, traveling through the region of Diamantina - MG, found only 14 vissungos preserved in the memory of the singers, of the 65 recorded by Aires da Mata Machado Filho . After that, however, new songs and narratives about burial rituals were found. Between 1928 and 1970, the vissungos did not sound or become known beyond the mountains of Minas Gerais, except for some academic research and the recording of five vissungos by Luiz Heitor Correa de Azevedo in 1944. In 1974/1975, an essential modern black music group, the "Grupo Vissungo," was formed in Rio de Janeiro. In 1982, the LP "O canto dos escravos" was recorded in Rio de Janeiro, where fourteen vissungos appear. In the 21st century, documentaries about the vissungos appeared, as well as new interpretations of them by Brazilian musicians. The vissungos constitute a way of being in the world, a language and an episteme that informs the population linked to the African diaspora in Brazil. That is why we build the analysis with theoretical/methodological reflections from Cultural History and cultural studies, theories on history and memory, and the principles of Discourse Analysis and decolonial studies, among others. Thus, we weave the thesis seeking to bring into dialogue the various reconfigurations of vissungos by the black population during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In doing so, we argue that the transformations, re-readings and appropriations of vissungos in the 20th and 21st centuries in Brazil demonstrate how this way of seeing and being in the world connected (and connects) people in different places. In this sense, the vissungos are a sign of an identity constitution that has, among others, African ancestry as support.