This research investigated the Interventional Project as a pedagogical intervention strategy for the literacy and authorship of students in the third year of elementary school at Escola Classe 01 in Vila Estrutural - Federal District. The hypothesis raised indicated that such projects could equalize the right to learning in school environments with deficits, promoting a fairer and more egalitarian society. Using a qualitative approach based on depth hermeneutics, the content analysis was dialectical and interpretative-descriptive. The main objective was to ascertain whether the Interventional Project Overcoming Literacy Barriers (PIVBA) provided opportunities for meaningful learning; and the specific objectives included analyzing: the profile of the students participating in the project; the facilitators and barriers in the implementation of this project; and analyzing the data related to the approval and failure of 3rd grade students, as well as the development of literacy and authorial learning in the research sample, which was involved in PIVBA. The theoretical basis of this study was based on renowned authors such as Pedro Demo, Paulo Freire, Benigna Maria de Freitas Villas Boas, among others of equal relevance. In addition, Brazilian regulations and guiding documents from the Federal District's State Department of Education were considered. The research revealed important findings relating to generators of learning needs that transcend the school environment: unsatisfactory educational objectives and a shortage of educational resources; low self-esteem, precarious living conditions, lack of care and an unstable family environment, an overload of domestic tasks attributed to the female gender, resulting in little time for children. In view of these propositions, it can be concluded that PIVBA provided literacy and authorship in the context of human rights and citizenship, although it did not achieve unanimity in authorial literacy, given that the project ensured literacy for all the students it served, it guaranteed the human right to learning.

This dissertation sought to analyze whether the Public Ministry of the Federal District and Territories (MPDFT) followed the recommendations of the Law 12,990/2014, as well as implementing the Quota Law for black men and women in its public competitions, in order to increase the presence of black men and women in its selection, with emphasis on the latest MPDFT competition for the position of Deputy Prosecutor (Competition no. 32). The central objective of this dissertation was to highlight the stepby-step process of implementation in the MPDFT, in order to highlight the quota law as an important instrument in combating racism present in all social, political and economic structures in Brazil. Since its entry into force on June 10, 2014, when it was published, Law 12,990/2014 has been applied to federal public tenders. Currently, the Federal Public Ministry has adopted such proposals in the selection of future members and civil servants, reserving 20% of its vacancies for racial quotas. Such public policy represents progress in the fight against racism, especially when it comes to high command and leadership positions, such as Federal Prosecutors. Data from Ipea highlights that Brazil has approximately 9,963 members of the Public Ministry, the vast majority of whom are white prosecutors. The methodology applied was a brief historical analysis of the process of racism and affirmative actions in Brazil and a documentary analysis of the MPDFT competition no. 32 process, as well as semi-structured interviews. These interviews seek to understand the processes and difficulties in implementing Law 12,990/2014 in order to select new deputy prosecutors for the institution. In this sense, throughout the analysis of the processes adopted by the MPDFT to implement the quota law in its contest for Deputy Prosecutor, it can be concluded that Law 12,990/2014 was innovative and present in contest no. 32 of the MPDFT. However, it is still imperative to adopt public policies and procedures that can increase the number of approvals by black men and women in certain positions, especially in senior federal civil service positions.

This thesis recounts the journey of Benedita da Silva as a black woman from the favela and her leading role in the fight for human rights in Brazil. Employing a qualitative approach, with an interpretative narrative biographical framework grounded in documentary research, it delves into the story of a "woman from the end of the world" navigating the seas of a predominantly white and male hegemonic democracy. She embraces love and faith as driving forces behind her pursuit of justice. The text is theoretically aligned with black feminism as a school of thought and predominantly engages in these dialogues in constructing its theoretical framework. The study design aims to contribute to the academic discourse on the visibility of the legacy of Brazilian black women as pivotal figures in the pursuit of dignity, drawing on Benedita da Silva's unique and collective experience. The thesis is divided into four distinct periods of her political life, each linked to crucial moments in Brazil's history. Each period is analyzed, highlighting the interplay between racism, patriarchy, and class in shaping the identity of this protagonist and her activist practice. Furthermore, the research investigates the strategies adopted by Benedita in her political engagement to promote human rights, as well as the challenges faced by black women in Brazilian politics. The text analyzes her legislative contributions to human rights, as well as her public statements on the subject. Through the investigative process, it becomes clear that she cannot be solely seen as a Constituent who made history 35 years ago. The profound lesson she imparts is not to give up on defending the most beautiful things. She continues to break paradigms, profoundly transforming the national political landscape. Bené brings the horizon of human rights closer to her, to the Brazilian working people. She is not the past. Bené is the present, the ancestral future, as taught by Ailton Krenak. 

Since the beginning of this century, Brasilia has been experiencing the increase of repeated actions against its nocturnal and bohemian sociocultural scene lived in bars, parties and public spaces. It is particularly noticeable that the Administration issues repressive, restrictive or prohibitive rules — apart from omissions —, executed in an arbitrary and authoritarian manner, as well it adopts indirectly (quite) harmful public policies, notably those aimed at a real estate market of residences that moves cultural and commercial night- time activities to increasingly distant and inhospitable places. The State's initiatives, however, are just one more evident arm of a behavior that feeds back together with a hegemonic, conservative and influential part of society and with economic agents, especially those who benefit from the real estate trade. The night, understood — beyond mere temporality — as a socially and culturally constructed space by its bohemians, artists, businessmen and workers, curdled by the transgression represented in the parties and the creativity expressed in art, especially music, appears to be the stage of disputes and conflicts between cultural processes with an emancipatory bias and regulatory processes that reinforce the imposed ideology. The context of neoliberalism, inflecting law, culture and political subjectivity in reality, proves to be an indispensable key to understanding the problem, insofar as the political-administrative, economic-financial and traditional moralist axes extracted from the motivation of measures hostile to the night-space are dynamically articulated between the moral and market projects of this capitalist normative system. Furthermore, the progressive recrudescence of this adverse scenario in the last twenty-five years in the Federal District gave it a visibility that aroused collective consciousness and mobilization in actors interested in giving a political dimension to their nightlife and their respective sociocultural manifestations: the struggle for the right to culture, the city and work has emerged not only as a passive-reactive posture waiting for violations or claiming simple access to public goods and cultural goods, but as a popular, constructive and creative cultural process that translates the practice of human rights and points to a utopia of playful and artistic freedom, of solidarity and communion.